Thu, 30 Jun 2005

Sri Lanka's growth turns upwards

Sri Lanka's economic growth has started to recover from the tsunami which hit the island state in December. Expansion for the year to March was 4.8%, up from the 4.4% recorded three months earlier. But the central bank warned that the after-effects of the tsunami which killed thousands and devastated tourism and fishing could still depress growth. It also said instability within the government could pose a threat to continued recovery. It is predicting growth of 5.3% for 2005, down from 5.4% in 2004 and 5.9% the year before that.

Economic damage Before the tsunami, Sri Lanka had been finally staging a recovery from two decades of civil war - although the economy had slowed late in the year. The waves which hit the country on 26 December killed 31,000 people and left more than half a million homeless. According to the central bank, the economic effects were harsh too, with hotels and restaurants losing 39.6% of their trade and the fishing industry contracting by three-quarters.

Other sectors - including banking and transport - also suffered, the bank said. Even so, improved weather early in the year led to an increase in rice production over last year, helping agriculture take up the slack left by the fishing crisis. And the $3bn (£1.7bn) pledged by international donors to be spent on reconstruction could also help economic recovery. Splits But ongoing arguments over the division of aid could yet hamper growth in the rest of the year, the bank said. The main governing party, President Chandrika Kumaratunga's People's Alliance, is prepared to share aid with the rebel Tamil Tigers, who control much of the north-east of Sri Lanka. The decision to do so enraged their erstwhile Marxist allies, the JVP, who walked out of the government.

The resulting minority government could mean a general election later this year. The opposition United National Party is broadly in favour of the deal with the Tigers.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005

Implement P-TOMS as signed say WPF By S.S.Selvanayagam

The Western People’s Front held a demonstration and procession in support of the Joint Mechanism yesterday at the Gas Works Junction in Pettah.

Several political parties and organisations including the People’s Liberation Solidarity Front headed by Prof. Kamal Karunadasa, Democratic Left Front headed by Vasudeva Nanayakara, Hiru group headed by Bashana Abeywardena, New Left Front, New Democratic Party headed by E. Thambiah, TNA Parliamentarians M.K. Sivajilingam, N.Raviraj, Suresh Premachandran as well as WPF Deputy Leader N. Kumaraguruparan and its recently nominated Colombo Municipal Councillor V. Kanghaiverniyan took part.

WPF leader and parliamentarian Mano Ganesan led the procession. At the beginning of the campaign, crackers were lit and the demonstrators burnt an effigy depicting the caricature of the JVP and described as the devil of communalism.

The procession proceeded from Gas Paha Junction to Khan Clock Tower junction at Front Street and returned to the campaign venue. Following were some of the slogans they shouted: “Implement the Joint Mechanism as signed, Chauvinism itself is Separatism, “Let’s advance peace and defeat communalism, Sri Lanka is Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim country, Buddhism is Ahimsa not communalism, “Keep religion out of politics, Let’s share power and get rid of communalism and our donation is peace”.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005

EU welcomes tsunami aid sharing deal, urges LTTE to be democratic By Gihan de Chickera and Uditha Jayasinghe

The European Union yesterday urged the LTTE to adopt a more democratic and pluralistic approach and give other groups more ‘breathing space’ in the wake of the signing of the P-TOMS agreement. While congratulating President Chandrika Kumaratunga, the Government and the LTTE for showing positive and constructive strength in signing the P-TOMS agreement, EU ambassador Wouter Wilton urged the LTTE to be more democratic and pluralist and give others breathing space in its future dealings.

Mr. Wouter pledged EU assistance to all parties to make sure the system works under the P-TOMS and urged all parties to make sure that peace is established in Sri Lanka. Addressing a media development programme on coverage of natural disasters organized by the Press Complaints Commission at the Galadari Hotel in Colombo yesterday, Mr. Wouter said the EU had allocated 100 million Euros which amounts to about 120-130 million US dollars for tsunami recovery projects in Sri Lanka.

He said sixty percent of the funds would be used for rebuilding and recovery operations in the North and East. The money would be contributed through the P-TOMS trust fund of which the World Bank is the custodian, he said, adding that the EU would also monitor the recovery process through the Bank. Of the EU funds allocated for the North and East sixty percent would be used for the regeneration of livelihoods and forty percent for reconstruction and infrastructure development with special focus on road rebuilding, he said.

Mr. Wouter also said there were people in Sri Lanka who needed help but were not affected by the tsunami. “Some of these people have been affected by a tsunami every day for the last two decades”, he said adding that such people should not be forgotten.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005
JVP to go it alone at future elections By Yohan Perera
The JVP yesterday said it would contest future elections on its own and gave an open invitation to the SLFPers who were against P-TOMS to join the party.

Addressing the party’s national convention at Town Hall JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe said it was time to forge a new alliance to save the country and said he saw the downfall of the SLFP soon.Mr. Amarasinghe lashed out at President Chandrika Kumaratunga saying she would have to leave the Presidency with disrespect because of her recent actions.

In a fiery speech, Mr. Amarasinghe also told the security personnel and the police not to follow orders coming from high authorities if they saw them as Constitutional violations. He assured that such brave armed services and police personnel would be duly rewarded once a patriotic government was elected in the future. Mr. Amarasinghe also criticized the UNP for not taking a firm stand on the P-TOMS.

“The UNP has opted to go into political wilderness by acting in this manner. They are not even in a position to participate in television debates on P-TOMS,” he said.“We will set up a people friendly government soon by uniting all communities. We have already made initial discussions with Muslim groups,” he said.

JVP General Secretary Tilwin Silva said President Kumaratunga has fallen into the list of traitors by signing the mechanism. He called upon anti P-TOMS forces to oust her or join the new alliance which would be formed by the JVP soon. He vowed the JVP was ready to make any sacrifice to defeat the traitors.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005
Nghh; epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia Kiwahf Ngz rpwpyq;fh murhq;fj;jpw;F tpLjiyg; Gypfs; 14ehl;fs; fhyf;nfL!
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fle;j Qhapw;Wf;fpoik td;dpapy; ,Ue;J fpof;F Nehf;fp gazk; nra;J nfhz;bUe;j Nghuhspfs; nghWg;ghsh; kPJ fpisNkhh; jhf;Fjy; Nkw;nfhs;sg;gl;lJ njhlh;ghf ,r;re;jpg;gpd; NghJ fLk; mjpUg;jp njhptpf;fg;gl;lJ.

Nghuhspfspd; ghJfhg;G njhlh;ghfTk; Nghh; epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia mjd; tpjpfSf;fika eilKiwg;gLj;JtJ njhlh;ghfTk; 14 ehl;fSf;Fs; rpwpyq;fh murk; mjd; gilj;jug;Gk; cWjpahd gjpiy toq;fhtpl;lhy; Nghh; epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapd; Kd;duhd jkJ ghJfhg;G eltbf;iffisAk; gad eltbf;iffisAk; tpLjiyg; Gypfs; filg;gpbf;f NeUk; vd;Wk; mt;thW NeUk; gl;rj;jpy; Nghh; epWj;j xg;ge;jk; rpf;fyhf NeUk; vd;Wk; jpU. jkpo;r;nry;td; Fwpg;gpl;lhh;.

mt;thW Nghuhspfs; jkf;fhd ghJfhg;igAk; gadj;ijAk; Nkw;nfhs;Sk; NghJ rpwpyq;fh gilapdh; mth;fis jLf;f Kw;gl;lhy; rpwpyq;fh gilapdiu tpLjiyg; Gypfs; Klf;f NehpLk; vdTk; mth; njhptpj;jhh;.

,d;iwa re;jpg;G ,t;tifapy; kpfTk; Kf;fpakhdJ vdTk; jpU. jkpo;r;nry;td; Fwpg;gpl;lhh;.

rpwpyq;fhtpd; tpNrl cyq;F thDhh;jp %yk; fpspnehr;rpf;F tUif je;j ,yq;if Nghh; epWj;j fz;fhzpg;G FOj;jiytUk; Nehh;Nt Jhjuf mjpfhhpfSk; Kw;gfy; 10.00 kzpapy; ,Ue;J 12.00 kzptiu fye;Jiuahly;fis Nkw;nfhz;ldh;. tpLjiyg; Gypfspd; mjpKf;fpa nra;jpNahL 12.30 kzpastpy; ,yq;if Nghh; epWj;j fz;fhzpg;G FOtpdUk; Jhjuf mjpfhhpfSk; nfhOk;G jpUk;gpdh;.

jkpo;r;nry;td; mtu;fs; Clftpayhsu;fSf;F mspj;j nrt;tpapd; KOtbtk;

Nfs;tp:- ,d;iwa re;jpg;G njhlh;ghf?

gjpy;:- ,d;W Kf;fpakhd re;jpg;G ,lk;ngw;wJ. Nghh;epWj;j fz;fhzpg;Gf; FOj;jiytiuAk; mDruizahsh;fs; vd;w tifapy; Nehh;Ntapd; rpwpyq;fhtpw;fhd gjpy; J}jiuAk; re;jpj;Njhk;. ,r;re;jpg;gpy; Kf;fpa tplakhf mz;ikapy; Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; gaz xOq;nfd;W $wp cj;juthjk; mspj;J vkJ Nghuhspfis rjptiyf;Fs; rpf;fitj;J nfhy;tjw;F vLj;j Kaw;rp rk;ge;jkhfj; jhd; ,d;iwa re;jpg;gpy; vkJ jiyikg; gPlj;jpd; ,Wf;fkhd epiyg;ghl;ilAk; mjpUj;jpiaAk; njhptpj;jpUf;fpNwhk;. MfNt> ,t;thwhd jhf;Fjy; eltbf;iffs; njhlUkhfapUe;jhy; njhlh;e;J ,e;j Nghh; epWj;j #oiy jf;f itg;gNjh Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;bw;F Vw;g ehk; ele;J nfhs;tNj rhj;jpak; ,y;yhj xd;whf khWk;. ,d;iwa re;jpg;gpNy kpf Kf;fpakhd vkJ jiyikg; gPlk; vLj;jpUf;fpd;w ,Wf;fkhd cWjpahd epiyg;ghl;il njspT gLj;jpapUf;fpNwhk;. Vnddpy; mz;ikapy; vkJ Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; gazk; nra;fpd;w NghJ ,ilapNy ,uhZt Gydha;T mikg;G mth;fspd; JizNahL ,aq;Fk; MAjf; FOf;fSk; ,ize;J vkJ Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; kPJ nfhiy ntwpj; jhf;Fjy;fis nra;ag; Nghfpwhh;fs; vd;gJ Vw;fdNt vkJ Gydha;T mikg;G %yk; fpilj;j jfty; me;j jftiy fz;fhzpg;Gf; FOtpdhplk; njhptpj;jjd; mbg;gilapy; ,g;gbnahU jhf;Fjy; ,lk;ngwTs;sJ vd;gd mbg;gilapy; vkJ Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fs; ,ilepWj;jg;gl;L ghJfhg;G rhpahf cWjpg;gLj;jg;gl;L me;j tifapy; fz;fhzpg;Gf;FO gilj;jug;gpdJk; murpdJk; KO cj;juthjj;Jld; vq;fs; Nghuhspfspd; gazk; ,lk;ngw;wJ.

,Ue;Jk; gy jlit Rl;bf;fhl;lg;gl;Lk; vr;rhpf;fg;gl;l epiyapYk; vkJ Nghuhspfs; gazk; nra;j NghJ ,ilapNy jhf;fg;gl;Ls;shh;fs;. mj;jhf;Fjy; neUf;fb epiyfis cUthf;Fk; jhf;Fjyhf mike;Js;sJ. me;j tifapy; vkJ epiyikfis tpsf;fpapUf;fpNwhk;. kpftpiutpy; ,uz;L thufhy mtfhrk; nfhLj;jpUf;fpNwhk;. ,uz;L fpoikf;Fs; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapd; gb vkJ Nghuhspfs; vkJ jhafg; gpuNjrj;jpy; ve;jtpj Mgj;Jf;fSk; ,d;wp Rje;jpukhf elkhlf;$ba epiy ,Uf;fpd;wJ. mij cj;juthjg;gLj;jNtz;baJ gilj;jug;GghFk; MfNt me;j tifapy; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapy; ifr;rhj;jplg;gl;l ,uz;L jug;G vd;w tifapy; ,uhZt fl;Lg;ghl;Lg; gpuNjrj;jpy; gilj; jug;Gk; muRk; Nghuhspfspd; ghJfhg;ig cj;juthjk; nra;a Ntz;Lk;. vkJ Nghuhspfs; Nghf;Ftuj;J nra;fpd;wNghJ fz;fhzpg;Gf; FOTk; ,uhZtKk; mjpy; gpurd;dkhf ,Uf;f Ntz;Lk;. ve;j tpj capuhgj;Jf;fSk; Vw;glhj cj;juthjk; vkf;F juNtz;Lk;. khjhe;jk; ,U gaz xOq;Ffis nra;J jUkhW Nfl;Lf;nfhz;Ls;Nshk;. vkJ Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; Nghf;F tuj;J nra;J vkJ jfty;fisAk; ghpkhw;wq;fisAk; nra;J nfhs;sh tpl;lhy; ehk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia NgZtJ f;ukhf ,Uf;Fk;. gilj;jug;Ngh murhq;fNkh ,e;j Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapd; gb xOq;FgLj;j jtwpdhy; gaz xOq;Ffis nra;aj; jtwpdhy; vkJ Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fis Klf;Fkhdhy; vkJ NghuhfNsh> nghWg;ghsh;fNsh toik Nghy Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;iff;F Kd;dh; vkJ Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fis vg;gb Kd;ndLj;NjhNkh me;j eilKiwf;Fs; ,wq;Ftij jtpuNtW topapy;iy. MfNt ,yq;ifauRk; gilj;jug;Gk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia Ngz Ntz;Lk;. mikjptopapy; gpur;rid jPH;T fhzNtz;Lk; vd;w mh;gzpg;G ,Uf;Fkhdhy; Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;by; cs;s tplaq;fis eilKiwg;gLj;j Kd;tuNtz;Lk;. ,jpy; ,Oj;jbg;Gf;fis nra;J epiyikfis Nkhrkila nra;thh;fshdhy; njhlh;e;J nghWik fhj;Jf; nfhz;bUf;f KbahJ. ,uz;L thu fhye;jhd; ehk;fhy mtfhrk; nfhLj;J ,Uf;fpNwhk;. vkJ NghuhspfSf;fhd ghJfhg;ghd gazk; xOq;FfSf;F mjw;fhd rpghh;Rfis nra;jpUf;fpNwhk;.

Nfs;tp:- Nghuhspfs; gaz xOq;F kl;Lkh? my;yJ Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;il NgZtjw;fhfth fhy mtfhrk; tpLj;Js;sPh;fs;?

gjpy;:- Nghuhspfspd; gaz xOq;Fjhd; Kf;fpakhf Ngrg;gl;lJ.Nghuhspfs; nfhy;yg;gLfpd;w NghJ cld;gbf;if eilKiwg; gLj;JtJ rhj;jpak; mw;w tplakhf cs;sJ.vq;fSila Nghuhspfspd; gazk; Klf;fg;gLfpd;wNghJ ,uhZtj;jpDila Nghf;Ftuj;ijAk; Klf;Fk; toptifia ifahs ehk; eph;ge;jpf;fg;gLNthk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;if rPh;FiyTf;F cl;gLk;. mNjNghd;W Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapy; $wg;gl;l eilKiwfs; rk;ge;jkhf ,Wf;fkhf typAWj;jpAs;Nshk;. mNjNghd;W Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;by; Vw;Wf;nfhs;sg;gl;l ,ay;G epiyiaf;nfhz;L tUtjw;F chpa eilKiwfs; rk;ge;jkhfTk; typAWj;jpAs;Nshk;. ,jw;F muRk; gilj;jug;Gk; jPh;f;fkhd KbT vLf;f KayNtz;Lk; kf;fs; nfhe;jspg;ghd epiyf;Fs; js;sg;gl;L cs;shh;fs;. Mh;ghl;lq;fs;> Ch;tyq;fs;>ntFIdg; Nghuhl;lq;fs; %yk; jPh;itj; Njb Kaw;rp nra;j tz;zk; cs;sdh;. ,e;j epiyAk; ,d;iwa re;jpg;gpy; Rl;bf;fhl;bAs;Nshk;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G ifr;rhj;jplg;gl;ljd; %yk; jw;NghJ muR Gypfis Vw;wpUg;gjhf mikr;rh; xUth; $wpapUg;gJ njhlh;ghf?

gjpy;:- mth;fs; nrhy;tjpy; cz;ikapUf;fpd;wJ. rpwpyq;fh murhq;fk; ,d;W ,Uf;fpd;w murhq;fk; vd;gij ehk; epuhfhpf;f KbahJ Mdhy; ,uz;L Njrq;fs; cs;sd.MfNt jkpoh;fSila Njrk;>jkpoh;fSila gpujpepjpfs; ahh; vd;gij muR Vw;why; rhp. ,uz;L Njrq;fspy; cs;s mjpfhu ikaq;fis Vw;Wf; nfhz;ljpdhy;jhd; nghJf;fl;likg;ig Vw;Wf;nfhz;Ls;Nshk;. MfNt ,uz;L mjpfhu ikaq;fs; ,Uf;F vd;gij ehk; Vw;Wf;nfhz;lhy; mth;fSk; Vw;Wf;nfhs;thh;fs; vd;W ehd; epidf;fpd;Nwd;.,jpy; jtW ,y;iy vd;Wjhd; ehd; epidf;fpd;Nwd;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G njhlh;ghd Ntiyj; jpl;lq;fs; vg;NghJ Muk;gkhFk;?

gjpy;:- mJ gw;wpAk; ,d;W Rl;bf;fhl;bNdhk; Kf;fpakhf fz;fhzpg;Gf;FOj; jiyth; mth;fisAk; Nehh;Nt mDruizahsh;fisAk; mioj;jjd; Nehf;fk; ,d;Ws;s ghuhJ}ukhd epiyikfis tpsf;Ftjw;fhfj;jhd;. MfNt ,d;Ws;s epiyikfs; rPh; nra;ag;glhtpl;lhy; vy;yhNk rPh; FiyAk; vd;gJjhd; ,d;Ws;s ajhh;j;j epiyik mij ,d;W ehk; ntspg;gLj;jpaNjhL nghJf;fl;likg;G eilKiwf;F tpiuthf nfhz;L tuNtz;Lk;.; xg;gk; ,LtNjh ,zf;fg;ghl;il njhpag;gLj;JtNjh Kf;fpakpy;iy ,ij kf;fs; xU NghJk; ek;gg; Nghtjpy;iy kpftpiutpy; nghJf;fl;likg;G Ntiyfis eilKiwf;F nfhz;LtUtjw;fhd #oiy muR tpiue;J cUthf;f Ntz;Lk; vd;gij Rl;bf;fhl;bAs;Nshk;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G mq;fj;jth; ngah; tpguk; njhpag;gLj;Js;sPh;fsh?

gjpy;:- tpiutpy; ifaspf;fTs;Nshk; ,uz;L my;yJ xhpU jpdq;fspy; vkJ jhafj;jpd; kPs;fl;Lkhdj;jpw;fhd epjpaj;ij epjpaj;jpd; fhg;ghshuh nraw;gl Nghfpd;w cyf tq;fpNahL NgrtpUf;fpNwhk; mg;Ngr;R Kbe;jgpd; vkJ epiyg;ghl;il mDruizahsh;fSf;F njhptpf;fTs;Nshk;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G njhlh;ghf K];ypk; gpujpepjpfSld; Nghr;Rf;fs; elj;Jk; jpl;lk; cs;sjh?

gjpy;:- jw;NghJ cs;s epiyikfspy; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifNa neUf;fb epiy mile;J nry;fpwJ.fs epiyikfs; Nkhrk; mile;J nry;fpd;wd. muRk; gilfSk; neUf;fb epiyikfis cUthf;fpapUf;fpd;wdh;. mtw;Wf;Fs; jPH;T fhzNtz;Lk; epiyikfs; rPuilfpd;w NghJ K];ypk; r%fj;Jld; ehk; NgRNthk;. vkJ jhafg; gpuNjrj;jpy; vd;d Ntiyj;jpl;lq;fs; Kd;ndLf;fg;gl;lhYk; K];ypk; r%fj;ij ,izj;J nfhs;tJk; ,ize;J nfhs;tJk; ajhh;j;jk; fhyNthl;lj;jpy; Ntiy jpl;lq;fis Kd;ndLf;fg;gLfpd;w NghJ K];ypk; kf;fSf;F mth;fSila vjph;ghh;g;Gfis epiwNtw;wf; $ba Kaw;rpfis nra;Nthk;.

Nfs;tp:- NI.tp.gp.,uhZtj;jpdiu jk;Kld; ,ize;J gzpahw;w mikg;G tpLj;jpUg;gJ njhlh;ghf?

gjpy;:- mJ njhlh;ghf jq;fs; NI.tp.gpia jhd; Nfl;fNtz;Lk; ,uhZtk; vd;d KbT vLf;FNjh mjpy; rpwpyq;fhtpy; Vw;glg;Nghfpd;w murpay; Vida khw;wq;fs; vd;gd jq;fpAs;sd.mt; epiyikg;ghL rk;ge;jkhf NI.tp.gpia Nfl;gJ jhd; nghUj;jkhf ,Uf;Fk; vd epidf;fpd;Nwd;.

Nfs;tp:- ,uz;L thu fhy mtfhrk; vd;gJ ,d;wpypUe;jh?

gjpy;:- ,d;wpypUe;J ,uz;Lthu fhy mtfhrk; nfhLj;J ,Uf;fpd;Nwhk;. ,uz;L thu fhy mtfhrj;Jf;Fs; Kbit njhptpf;f Ntz;Lk;. muR.Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;il NgZtjw;F jahuhf ,Uf;fpwjh? ,y;yhtpbd; Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;il Ngz tpUk;gkpy;iy Vw;Wf; nfhs;stpy;iy vd;w epiyg;ghL vLf;Fkhdy; mjhtJ ehk; Gjpa Nfhhpf;ifia Kd;itf;ftpy;iy Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;by; Vw;Wf;nfhs;sg;gl;l eilKiwiaAk; fle;j fhyq;fspy; njhlh;r;rpahf Ngzg;gl;L te;j eilKiwfisAk; nra;AkhWjhd; Nfl;Lf;nfhs;fpNwhk;.

Nfs;tp:- tha;%ykhfth vOj;J %ykhfth Nfl;L ,Uf;fp;d;wPh;fs;?

gjpy;:- tha; %ykhfTk; vOj;J KykhfTk; Nfl;L ,Uf;fpNwhk;. MfNt ,J rk;ge;jkhf ,uz;L thu fhyj;Jf;Fs; gjpy; juNtz;Lk; ,y;yhtpl;lhy; ehk; toikNghd;W Nghf;F tuj;J xOq;Ffis nra;aNtz;Lk;. gazk; nra;fpd;w NghJ gilj;jug;G ,ilkwpj;J neUf;fbfis nfhLf;Fkhf ,Ue;jhy; ,uhZtj;jpdhpd; Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fis Klf;Fk; eph;ge;jj;jpw;F ehk; js;sg;gLNthk.; ,e;j epiyikia Rl;bf;fhl;bAs;Nshk;.. ,uz;Lthu fhyj;Jf;Fs; ,jw;fhd Kbit jUkhW $wpAs;Nshk;. muRk; gilj;jug;Gk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia NgZtjh? ,y;iyah vd;gij mth;fs; jhd; KbT nra;aNtz;Lk;.

Nfs;tp:- Aj;j cld;gbf;ifapy; $wg;gl;Ls;s ,uz;L thu fhyk;jhd; jw;NghJk; nfhLf;fg;gl;Ls;sjh?

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Thu, 30 Jun 2005

Three SLA soldiers shot dead in Batticaloa

Three soldiers belonging to Sri Lankan Army (SLA) Intelligence were shot and killed in Urani, a suburb of Batticaloa, at 10.30 AM Thursday, Batticaloa Police said. The soldiers, attached to the Intelligence Unit at the Head Quarters of the 223 Brigade of the SLA, were killed by unidentified gunmen between a SLA mini-camp at Palameenmedu and a Police post at Periyaurani, while they were returing from Palameenmedu fish market in a three-wheeler, sources said.

Lance Corporal Saran Kularatne, Saman Kumara and Saminda Kumara, the driver of the three-wheeler were the soldiers killed by the gunmen. A T-56 assault-rifle was recovered from the scene, Police said. The incident took place at New Boundary Road, near the water tank in Urani. Further details are not available. Urani is located in SLA held territory, around 4 km north of Batticaloa

Thu, 30 Jun 2005

LTTE issues 2 weeks ultimatum for ensuring travel safety

Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Thursday in a crucial meeting with members of Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) demanded that the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) should provide a clear response on procedures to ensure safety of travel for LTTE cadres in the east. Head of LTTE Political Wing told Scandinavian delegation that Tigers will resume their own armed escort if the GoSL fails to provide satisfactory response within two weeks, sources from Vanni said.

The announcement follows the landmine attack in Welikande on the LTTE convoy escorted by Sri Lanka Army (SLA) and facilitated by the truce monitors.

"If LTTE decides to use its own armed escort, the CFA will likely collapse, and LTTE should not be held responsible for breaking the ceasefire," Thamilchelvan told the delegation.

When contacted by TamilNet, Mr S Puleedevan, Director of Peace Secretarait confirmed that the message was given to Head of Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission Mr Hagrup Haukland when the latter met LTTEs Political Head in LTTEs Peace Secretariat Thursday morning at 10.00 AM.

"In terms of the provisions in the CFA relating to the transport of LTTE members through military controlled areas and more so according to the explicit understanding reached in a meeting with the SLMM and the Norwegian Ambassador, the SLA should have provided full security and safety to our members, but what has happened at Welikanda on 26 June 2005, gives us serious concern over the genuineness of the SriLankan Government’s commitment to the CFA," said Mr.S.P.Thamilchelvan in a meeting with the SLMM and the Norwegian embassy officials, according to LTTE's Peace Secretariat website.

Thamilchelvan told the delegation that the date and time of travel of the LTTE convoy was only made known to the members of the SLMM and through the SLMM to the Sri Lanka Army (SLA). "The miltary intelligence obtained the information from the SLA and has planned this attack. Further, none of the members of the Security forces were travelling on the bus," Thamilchelvan said.

"For the Kausalyan killing, Sri Lanka Government blamed the LTTE for not informing the Security Forces to provide armed escort. And now our seeking escort from the Security Forces has endangered the lives of 40 of our cadres," Thamilchelvan further told the delegation.

If LTTE decides to resume its own armed escort, it will also be forced to curtail movements of Sri Lanka Armed forces in areas that are critical to LTTE troop movement, Thamilchelvan told the delegation, according to sources in Kilinochchi.

Acting Norwegian Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Mr Oddvar Lægreid and three other Norwegian officials were present in a two hour meeting with the LTTE officials, sources in Kilinochchi said.

Political observers in Kilinochchi noted the ominous sign of the ultimatum and compared this with a similar deadline LTTE gave before terminating talks in March 1995. LTTE was then blamed for breaking the truce even after giving a three week warning followed by a two week extension when the agreement called for only 72 hours notice.

LTTE Political Head this time has reiterated in clear terms that LTTE should not be blamed for breaking the CFA, observers noted.

29 June2005

International Thirukkural Conference July 8-10, 2005

Smith Auditorium, Howard Community College
10901 Little Patuxent Parkway, Columbia, MD 21044 USA


The only gift is giving to the poor; All else is exchange. kural-221

About the Conference:

Over the course of the civilized human history, there have been a number of philosophers, saints and social and religious leaders around the world who have pondered over the meaning of life, the nature of truth, the existence of God, the ethical code of conduct, intricacies of human emotions and other intriguing questions. Their answers vary depending upon their religious beliefs, national origin and the time period in which they lived. It is unusual to find one book, written by one person that has explored almost all aspects of life and arrived at conclusions that are universally and eternally valid. Thiruvalluvar lived about 2000 years ago in Tamil Nadu, meaning the land of Tamils, currently one of the states in the southern part of India. Thiruvalluvar was a unique genius who wrote the book called Muppaal, later known as Thirukkural which has been hailed by many as the greatest gift to mankind.

In many respects, Thiruvalluvar is more comprehensive and covers the whole spectrum of human experiences than the well-known philosophers like Buddha, Confucius, Aristotle, Plato, Machiavelli and others. In spite of the remarkable nature of his contribution, Thiruvalluvar is relatively unknown outside his native land.

The objective of this conference is to create an awareness and understanding of Thiruvalluvar and Thirukkural among the younger generation Indians and people of other cultures in North America. This is also the first time a conference of this nature is being held in North America. It is expected that many Tamil Scholars and Thirukkural researchers will participate in this conference from many countries in the world.

The objectives of this Conference are:

To understand how Thirukkural can be a guide to humanity.

To create and promote awareness of Thirukkural in USA among Americans and the youth of Indian origin.

To compare Thiruvalluvar with other philosophers of the world.

E-mail :support@thirukkural2005.org

29 June2005

Bhikku Front and Patriotic Movement file cases against P-TOMS

The National Bhiku Front (NBF) led by Ven Dambara Amila Thero and the National Patriotic Movement (NPM) led by Venerable Elle Gunawanse Thero have filed separate cases on Tuesday asking the Colombo District Court to make the P-TOMS null and void, legal source in Colombo said.

The two organisations in their submission to the District Court have pointed out that the P-TOMS signed between the Government and the LTTE last Friday was against the unity and the intergrity of Sri Lanka and will pave way for political calamity in the future. Propaganda secretary of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), Mr Wimal Weerawansa, also accompanied the National Patriotic Movement Ven Gunawansa Thera on the capacity as one of the founder members of the movement, sources said.

The National Bhiku Movement and the National Patriotic Movement have mentioned the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Ministry Secretary M.S.Jayasinghe and the LTTE representative Shumugalingam Ranjan who signed the P-TOMS as the respondents along with the Attorney General, and the Secretary to the President.

29 June2005

Positive response to Muslims demands
President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has reassured the Muslim community that the Government would take steps to ensure that their concerns and aspirations are addressed in the implementation of the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS).

During an extensive discussion with Muslim Ministers and Deputy Ministers, President Kumaratunga responded positively to the Ministers' suggestions and undertook to give them every consideration and explore how their proposals could be implemented.

The President held a fresh round of discussions on the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) or Tsunami Relief Council (TRC) with Muslim Ministers and Deputy Ministers.

At Monday's discussions at the President's House, the Muslim legislators expressed their concerns regarding certain aspects of the P-TOMS, a Presidential Media Unit release said. "Their concerns were discussed in depth with the President. They proposed some options with the objective of resolving the issues causing their community apprehension," it said.

UPFA General Secretary Minister Susil Premajayantha was associated with the President at the discussions. Following the discussion, the National Unity Alliance has withdrawn an ultimatum to the Government that the P-TOMS be withdrawn by Tuesday. The party has since decided to stick with the Government. "Following talks with the President, the NUA will not rock the boat," a party official told reporters.

NUA spokesman and Condominium Management Authority (CMA) Chairman Abul Kalam said their party will continue to remain in the UPFA alliance since they strongly believed in President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga's commitment of justice and fairplay by the minorities and were confident of the resolution of Muslims' concerns with regard to the P-TOMS. The President held several rounds of talks with Muslim theologians and legislators over the last few weeks prior to the signing of the P-TOMS last Friday. In a recent discussion with Muslim theologians in the East, the President assured them that the rights and security of the Muslim community would be safeguarded and respected and that they will be given their rightful share in the proposed P-TOMS.

President Kumaratunga met with Minister Ferial Ashraff and a delegation of her party on June 21. The President assured Minister Ashraff that she was fully conscious of the fears, anxieties and concerns of the Muslim people in the context of the suffering the Muslim community has endured during for more than two decades of armed violence and the recent tsunami natural disaster.

On that occasion, she assured Minister Ashraff that the Tsunami Relief Council takes into consideration and accommodates many of the interests of the Muslim community and has clauses for addressing their concerns.

During the long negotiations between the GoSL and the LTTE on the Tsunami Relief Council, the GoSL negotiated hard to accommodate Muslim concerns, persuading the LTTE to agree to some significant practical measures. Specifically the Muslim parties have equal representation at the national level, sufficient representation to prevent decisions that may adversely affect them at the regional level, and dominant representation in the areas where they live.

She assured Minister Ashraff and other Muslim leaders that her government would in the future as in the past take all necessary measures to ensure the safety and security of the Muslim people living in the East and the North.

Further, the President strongly recommended that Muslim leaders consider the proposed Tsunami Relief Council in its totality and the gains that may be made by the Muslim community as a whole, through full participation in it. The President also met MP Rauff Hakeem to discuss Muslim concerns regarding the P-TOMS.

29 June2005

UNP hits out at Kadirgamar’s stance
The main opposition UNP yesterday launched a fierce attack on Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, alleging he had tried to undermine the ceasefire agreement and was now not doing his duty to promote the P-TOMS agreement.

In a statement issued by Assistant Secretary Tissa Attanayake, the UNP said that like Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, Minister Kadirgamar was also conveniently dodging the issue and he must now make his position clear. “While the Prime Minister had abdicated his responsibilities, the Foreign Minister too has not carried out his duties. It is the responsibility of the Foreign Minister to educate the missions and envoys abroad about such an important agreement and convey the message to foreign leaders through them.

“Not only has Mr. Kadirgamar failed to do this duty, but he has also steered clear of stating his position regarding the P-TOMS agreement. The Foreign Minster did not even come to parliament when this agreement was presented.

“The conduct of the Foreign Minister is important in this instance in the light of how he acted when we signed the ceasefire agreement. Mr. Kadirgamar at that time requested the Indian government on several occasions to intervene saying that the sovereignty of the country was threatened. He stated before Indian leaders that the security of India was also threatened because of LTTE activity such as the Manirasakulam camp. He showed the entire world that the territorial integrity of the country had been compromised by the ceasefire agreement.

“Through the P-TOMS, the President has officially accepted the ceasefire agreement. Now the question has arisen in the minds of the public whether Mr. Kadirgamar too has accepted the ceasefire agreement. If he accepts the ceasefire agreement, then invariably all that he has stated against it stands to be false. The entire world and the country are waiting to hear the stance of Mr. Kadirgamar,” the UNP said.

29 June2005 India and US sign defence accord

Mr Mukherjee and Mr Rumsfeld signed the agreement India and US have signed a 10-year agreement to strengthen defence ties between the two countries. The landmark agreement will help facilitate joint weapons production, co-operation on missile defence and the transfer of technology. Indian Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee and US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld signed the agreement.There has been a significant transformation in relations between the two countries in recent years. The agreement was signed during Mr Mukherjee's visit to the US - his first since assuming his post last year. The United States and India have entered a new era

Statement on the agreement "The United States and India have entered a new era," a statement issued after the signing of the agreement in Washington said. "We are transforming our relationship to reflect our common principles and shared national interests."

According to AFP news agency, the statement said the ministers agreed to set up a "defence procurement and production 'group' to oversee defence trade, as well as prospects for co-production and technology collaboration".

Biggest partner "Today, we agree on a new framework that builds on past successes, seizes new opportunities and charts a course for the US-India defence relationship for the next 10 years," the statement said. The statement said that the two nations had advanced to "unprecedented levels of cooperation". The defence pact came ahead of a three-day visit by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to the US in July. In a speech in Washington on Tuesday, Mr Mukherjee urged the US to lift curbs on nuclear technology transfers to India.

The US imposed the restrictions in the wake of India's nuclear tests in 1998. Economic ties have grown between the two countries, once on opposite sides of the Cold War fence, and the US is now India's biggest trading partner. The two countries have also overseen increased military ties, holding joint exercises and expanded civilian, space and hi-tech contacts.

29 June2005

The Tamil National Question By: P. Ramasamy Source: TamilCanadian

The question foremost in the minds of many is whether the Tamil national question in the northeast of Sri Lanka whether in the form of separate state or through political accommodation with the Sinhalese can be successfully resolved under the present political, economic and social circumstances. While there are no clear answers as the political direction that the Tamil national question would proceed, there is general feeling that the approach to understanding and analyzing this important question has to go beyond the traditional analytical framework. In other words, while the relationship between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan state, whether conflictual or cooperation, will be a crucial component in the resolution of the Tamil nationalist conflict, there is another factor that need to be factored in. This is none other than the role of India. It is not that India has not been figured in the overall context of the Tamil national question, but academic and political discourses on this important question has sidelined India to some extent.

India’s posture of disinterest or neutrality in regard to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka as result of the debacle of the Indian Peace Keeping Forces in the late 1980s and the subsequent assassination of its Prime Minister Raji Gandhi have been accepted by academic analyses as sign of its limited importance in the Tamil national question. But however, some scholars and analysts have repudiated this posture in the recent past. They argue that although India sought to clear itself from interfering with the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka in the aftermath of the above two incidents, India’s could not just disentangle itself from the affairs of the island for geo-political reasons. Following the ceasefire, India has been kept informed about the nature of the peace process by the Norwegians, Sri Lankan government leaders have often traveled to India to discuss matters with the Indian political elite, India has often called for the negotiated settlement of the Tamil question through peaceful process and lately India has ventured into the dredging of the narrow Palk Straits, a stretch of water separating the southern part of the country from Sri Lanka. Beyond this, the possibility of defense pact/cooperation with the Sri Lankan state, military training programmes for the members of the Sri Lankan armed forces and most importantly the desire for India to maintain South Asian region free from the interference of super powers have provided some conclusive grounds that India is reasserting its regional role with the possibility of it affecting the nature of settlement of the Tamil national question.

The LTTE is not a naïve political and military organization. Its leaders, during the period of armed conflict with the Sri Lankan state, recognized the resolution of the Tamil question would invariably involve India in one form or another. However, during the temporary “retreat” of India from the affairs of the island, the resolution of the Tamil conflict came to mainly occupy the LTTE and the Sri Lankan establishment. Following the ceasefire brokered by the Norwegians in early 2002, after a six rounds of peace talks, the LTTE proposed the subject of interim administration for the furtherance of a negotiated political settlement. In late 2003, the LTTE gave its ISGA proposal to the Sri Lankan government so as to kick-start the peace process, but unfortunately, the fall of UNP government engineered by president Kumaratunga with support from the JVP derailed the discourse on ISGA. As international pressure was mounting on Kumaratunga to begin negotiations with the LTTE on the basis of the ISGA, the tsunami dealt a severe blow to thousands of Sri Lankans. The impact of tsunami lessened international pressure on Kumuratunga’s coalition government and ultimately paved the way for the discussion of the adoption of a joint mechanism for the management and distribution of financial aid to the victims. On 26 June 2005, the government and the LTTE despite opposition from the hardline Sinhalese spearheaded by the JVP and JHU have signed the P-TOMS MOU.

For the LTTE long isolated from the international main stream and branded as a terrorist organizations, the ceasefire was an opportunity in not only bringing normalcy to the Tamil areas long devastated by war, but also a means to gain international acceptance and legitimacy as the sole representative of Tamils in the island of Sri Lanka. The quest for an interim administration was predicated on the grounds that its participation in peace negotiations must be matched by measures to rebuild, rehabilitate and improve the lives of ordinary Tamils. Similarly the eagerness of the LTTE to embrace the joint mechanism was basically to ensure that financial aid from donor agencies and the international community would be able to relieve the suffering of Tamils affected by Tsunami. The ISGA and P-TOMS to the LTTE are mere temporary arrangements necessary to improve the lives of Tamils so that they share the benefits and the same time come to acceptance the peace process as something legitimate. However, it would be mistake to believe that LTTE relies on these two administrative mechanisms to resolve the Tamil national question once and for all. They can be considered as confidence building measures merely to convince Tamils not in mere words but in deeds of the benefits of engaging in a negotiated political settlement.

It need to be said in military and strategic terms, with or without these administrative mechanisms, if the Tamil national question is basically confined to the relationship between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan state, the latter could have moved in the direction of separate state. Some political analysts are of the opinion, in the absence of a third force, meaning India; the LTTE could have with some difficulty expelled the armed forces from the Tamil areas. But why it has not taken this step, is a mystery to some and not to others. The formidable presence of India, its hostility to the LTTE, its avowed principle not to allow for the separate state and its close cooperation with the Sri Lankan state are factors as to why the LTTE has not pursued the separate state option vigorously and in line with the ‘thirst’ of its cadres. About two years before the conclusion of the ceasefire, the collapse of the Jafffna was quite imminent, but then the LTTE pulled back, purportedly to avoid civilian casualties. This is merely a partial explanation. What was India’s position then?

The Sri Lankan state with all its mighty armour is not a position to defeat the LTTE, but counts on the good office of India to checkmate the latter’s quest for a separate state. For the LTTE resolution of the Tamil question is complicated and problematic. It is has not only to deal with the Sri Lankan state, it has reckon with India and to a limited extent the European Community and the United States. Even if the LTTE is prepared to pursue the line of substantial autonomy as enunciated during the peace talks in 2002, there is no evidence that the Sri Lankan state, given its political divisions, is in a position to provide a dignified solution to Tamils.

Well, if we believe that the struggle for a dignified solution to Tamils in Sri Lanka is a long protracted and arduous process, then there is possibility that some kind of paradigmatic orientation is necessary to re-focus and re-energize the process that would give us some hope as how best to solve the Tamil national question. Factoring India into this kind of a new framework suggests that supporters of the Tamil national liberation movement take up the intellectual challenge of fostering and nurturing good and amicable relationship with people of India. A functional people to people approach might lay the basis for a long-term relationship between the Tamil nationalist movements and other similar movements in India.

28June 2005

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28June 2005

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28June 2005

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28June 2005

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njhiy efy; %ykhf mDg;GtJ tpUk;gj;jf;fJ.

gpuhd;]; jtpu;j;j kw;iwa ehLfspypUe;J : 00-33-1-45685555 my;yJ 00-33-1-45685591

gpuhd;]pypUe;J : 0145685555 my;yJ 0145685591

ePq;fs; mDg;g Ntz;ba kD:

Mr. Koïchiro Matsuura
Director General
UNESCO
7, Place de Fontenoy
75352 PARIS 07 SP

Dear Sir,

Appeal to remove the statue of Buddha, erected with political motivation

On 15 May 2005, a statue of Buddha was illegally erected overnight in the Eastern town of Trincomalee in Sri Lanka by so called Buddhists. The unauthorized erection of the statue on land belonging to the Trincomalee Urban Council (UC) was immediately challenged in the courts by the Special Commissioner of the Urban Council and the President of the Trincomalee District Tamil Peoples' Forum (TDTPF). This matter has created tension between the Tamil and Singhalese people in Trincomalee. Several violent incidents have been reported all over the Trincomalee District.

The lawyers who appeared on behalf of the Special Commissioner of the UC and the President of the TDTPF told the court that they "revered Lord Buddha and are not against the Buddhist religion. But they said they suspected political motives behind the overnight erection of the statue and only a court order for temporary removal of the statute will lead to the restoration of peace in the town".

On 18 May the Trincomalee Magistrate and Additional District Judge instructed the Police to take all possible steps to temporarily remove the controversial statue and pronounced that a long term solution to the matter could be found by the Urban Council taking legal action. On 25 May, the Judge reaffirmed his earlier judgement regarding the temporary removal of this statue. Meanwhile another statue of Buddha was erected in Trincomalee close to the Hindu cemetery in Ehamparam Road in Vijithapura on May 23, 2005.

The court order was ignored by the law enforcement agencies and the statue has remained in the same location for one month, guarded by the Sri Lanka Army, Police and the Buddhist followers.

In the meantime those who erected this Buddha statue wanted to have a permanent building constructed around it. On 13 June, this idea was put on hold on the orders of the Attorney General department . This case was postponed until 3rd August as the respondent of this case has not appeared in the courts.

But this respondent, filed another case (became a petitioner) in the Court of Appeals, challenging the order given by the Trincomalee Magistrate on 18 May for the temporary removal of the statue of Buddha. The petitioner pleaded in his appeal to nullify the order of the Trincomalee Magistrate. On 17 June, his appeal was accepted by a Buddhist Judge in the Court of Appeals, who issued a restraining order on the Trincomalee Police and Trincomalee Urban Council preventing them from temporarily removing the statue of Buddha illegally erected on state land located in Trincomalee town. The decision of the Court of Appeals on 17 June was a discriminatory decision rather than based on the rule of law.

In Sri Lanka, the culture of impunity prevails in all affairs concerned with the grievances of Tamils. Perpetrators of violence against Tamils are not brought to book. However any judgement against a Tamil is implemented immediately after the judgement. The President who enjoys executive powers has turned a blind eye on the controversial statue of Buddha. With the court's order, being Commander in Chief of the Sri Lankan security forces, the President could have easily removed the Buddha statue on 18 May, if she were genuinely for equality and justice.

As the legal judgement, within the National law, is partial and the state has deliberately ignored the court order of the Trincomalee Magistrate, we kindly and urgently request the Director General of UNESCO to intervene immediately to remove the statue of Buddha which was erected with political motivation, to create tension among communities. The court order issued twice by the district courts in Trincomalee should be respected without further delay.

We kindly request you to intervene immediately to prevent bloodshed and war in Sri Lanka.

Thank you

Yours sincerely

28June 2005

Lanka IOC to Build Gas Stations in Former Rebel City (Update1)

June 28 (Bloomberg) -- Lanka IOC Ltd., a unit of India's largest oil refiner, plans to open gas stations in Jaffna, a Sri Lankan city formerly held by rebels that killed 1,500 Indian peacekeeping troops during the two-decade civil war.

``We want to bring Lanka IOC to the whole island,'' said Lanka IOC Managing Director Mahadevan Nageswaran in a June 23 interview in the capital, Colombo. ``People think of us as an oil company, not as an Indian company.''

Lanka IOC, a unit of Indian Oil Corp., follows rival fuel seller Ceylon Petroleum Corp. and Dialog Telekom Ltd., Sri Lanka's biggest cell-phone operator, into the former rebel-held area after a 2002 cease-fire revived the $20 billion economy, lifting car sales 23 percent last year. The investment is the first in the area by an Indian company since the country sent 60,000 troops to northeast Sri Lanka between 1987 and 1990.

``In Jaffna, petroleum companies don't have a strong presence because no investment has been put in since the war,'' said Saman Kelegama, executive director at the Institute of Policy Studies in Colombo. ``Lanka IOC, even if it's Indian, won't be a problem because people in Jaffna really need essential services.''

The Jaffna peninsula, at the island's northern tip 30 kilometers from India, faced regular power and fuel shortages during the civil war. The city was only accessible by plane or boat during hostilities, which lasted from 1983 to February 2002, destroyed infrastructure like fuel storage tanks and petrol stations and left as many as 60,000 dead.

Lanka IOC, which appointed top Sri Lankan cricketer Muttiah Muralitharan to promote its brand last year, aims to capture half of the retail fuel market from Ceypetco, whose monopoly was broken up by the government in 2002. Ceypetco Maavai Senathirajah, a resident of Jaffna who commutes the 14-hour drive to Colombo once a week, says price would decide whether he buys gas at a Lanka IOC outlet when it opens in his hometown.

``If they can offer at a lower price, then of course I will go there,'' said Senathirajah on June 24. ``Lanka IOC being an Indian company doesn't matter, if they have good service.'' The truce, which ended daily curfews and security checks, has boosted car sales. New motor vehicle registrations rose to 223,842 last year from 181,502 in 2003, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka said in its annual report.

Sri Lanka needs to secure a permanent peace agreement with Tamil rebels to attract investment to the country, Peter Harrold, World Bank Country Director for Sri Lanka said yesterday. ``Moving into the north is good as long as the war is over,'' Namal Kamalgoda, who manages $145 million in stocks and bonds as chief investment officer at Eagle NDB Management Co. in Colombo, the island's biggest fund, said on June 23. ``The big problem is Lanka IOC is in a tight cash-flow position but I don't think that would disrupt their expansion plans.''

Funding Lanka IOC, which is owed $53 million in fuel subsidy payments by the Sri Lankan government, will fund the $10-million expansion from internal reserves, Nageswaran said. The Indian company is borrowing from Standard Chartered Bank, the state- controlled Bank of Ceylon and Citibank N.A., to fund its day-to- day expenses.

``We have borrowed $40 million and we are paying interest at 10 percent,'' Nageswaran said, ``If we get paid, we will give out an interim dividend.'' Lanka IOC shares have risen 20 percent this year on the Colombo Stock Exchange while the Colombo All Share Index, the world's 9th best performer, has gained 34 percent.

Lanka IOC's Nageswaran is unlikely to be able to fulfill the company's ambition to open gas stations all over Sri Lanka. Rebels control areas in the north east captured during the war. They run a fuel distribution network in Kilinochchi, a city of 30,000 people 65 kilometers south of Jaffna, which is also the birthplace of Tamil Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Tamil Rebels

``We have our own cooperatives and they buy fuel from Ceypetco but they operate their own network in our territory,'' said Daya Master, spokesman for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in a telephone interview from the Kilinochchi headquarters on June 23. Master said the rebels wouldn't allow Lanka IOC or other oil companies to operate in rebel-held territory. ``If they are opening in Jaffna, we have to see what their policy is going to be. We will look into the matter.''

28June 2005

Muslim Council Meets Ranil Bandula Jayasekara in Colombo,

An eight member delegation from the Muslim Council of Sri Lanka met opposition leader Ranil Wickramasinge at the opposition leader's office at Cambridge Terrace at 4 PM today. During the meeting, the Muslim Council presented its concerns with regard to the P-TOMS signed by the Government and the LTTE. The Muslim Council pointed out the serious flaws in the agreement, with special emphasis on the need for the Government of Sri Lanka to maintain the chairmanship at all levels of administration and equal representation for the Muslim, Tamil and Sinhala community in the regional and district committees.

The opposition leader also commented on the injustice to the Sinhala and Muslim Community in the P-TOMS agreement and assured his support and consideration in a future government under him. The opposition leader also agreed to meet a delegation of Muslim Youth from the Eastern province on Friday at his office. Wickremasinghe wants to assure the youth that he will find a solution to their grievances under a UNP government and urged them to avoid violence, and conduct any opposition through peaceful means.

The Muslim council of Sri Lanka has also requested a meeting with President Chandirika Bandaranayke Kumaranatunga. They will also meet the Tamil National Alliance, The Prime Minister, other Political parties and Co-chairs of the Tokyo agreement to discuss their concerns.

28June 2005 People march in Kayts demanding the withdrawal of SL forces

More than 5000 people marched on Monday in Kayts demanding the security forces stationed there to leave. Among the marchers were members of parliament K Sivanesan and Pathmini Sithamparanathan. Also among the marchers were representatives of local NGOs, students and teachers. The march started at 11.00 a.m. from Karampon-Palakkadu junction and proceeded to St Sebastian temple junction. Marchers accompanied by drums shouted the slogans, "Government of Sri Lanka withdraw your forces " and "Traitors leave the peninsula". The Sri Lankan navy and police heavily protected the camp of the EPDP in the area. Large number of riot police was also stationed there. When the marchers reached Kayts junction they could be seen carrying placards of the Tamil National leader V Prabhaharan. They shouted slogans like, "We want our land back", "Sinhala security forces, leave the peninsula immediately", and "Hand-over the interim self-governing authority to the LTTE". The marchers then reached the Urkavalthurau Assistant Government Agent (AGA) office and held a meeting. Letters to the head of the European Parliament, Foreign embassies in Colombo, and Tamil National Leader were handed to the AGA. AGA Srimohan assured the marchers he would promptly send the letters to the people concerned. An effigy of the Minister and the Secretary General of EPDP, Douglas Devananda was dragged behind a vehicle and then set alight in front of the AGA office.

8June 2005

Japan gifts 256 transitional houses for tsunami victims

The Japanese Government has provided a sum of US$ 200,000 to IOM (International Organisation for Migrants) an NGO, for the construction of transitional houses with water supply, sanitation and electricity, states a press release from the Japanese Embassy. It said that 256 transitional houses were handed over Friday to tsunami-affected people in Modarawila, Panadura .

The houses at the Modarawila site will accommodate 1,152 beneficiaries, bringing the total of transitional accommodation in the country to 1,556 for more than 7,002 beneficiaries. This site will have families from around the district who will be involved in developing future plans to strengthen their new community. IOM has provided electricity for each household, while there will also be a community centre and a pre-school at the site, for the benefit of the community.

In addition, UNICEF had provided water and sanitation services. Issues such as waste management and security will be addressed with the assistance of IOM and the Sri Lanka Government's Transitional Accommodation Project (TAP).

In response to the tsunami emergency, IOM provided tents and emergency shelters for over 13,000 people who lost their homes in the districts of Ampara, Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Colombo. With over 1,500 transitional accommodations complete, the construction of additional accommodation will commence as land is identified and prepared. At present, land has been allocated for IOM to build a total of 3,397 accommodations.

The opening ceremony of these new transitional houses took place on June 24 at 3 p.m. in Modarawila, in the presence of the Commissioner General for Essential Services and head of TAFOR Thilak Ranaviraja, Deputy Head of the Embassy of Japan Hiroshi Karube and Chief of IOM Mission in Sri Lanka Ms. Mary Sheehan, while First Secretary of the Japanese Embassy Dr. Yuji Miyahara, and TAP-Colombo officers, Project Director W.G. Mithrarathne and Public Relations Consultant P. Gamage Karunasiri. IOM Chief of Emergency Operations, Christopher Gascon, and National Programme Officer/Field Office Coordinator Sunil Fernando, were also present on the occasion.

28June 2005

JVP goes to court over P-TOMS

The UPFA government's former ally, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), today filed a case in the Colombo District Courts against the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) agreement signed between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE.

The plaintiff, JVP Western Province councilor Vasu Gunawardene, filed the case seeking an order to immediately stop the P-TOMS agreement. He was accompanied by JVP parliamentarian Sunil Handunnetti. Attorney-at-law Sunil Wattawala represented on behalf of the plaintiff.

The plaintiff also urged the court to place an interim injunction with immediate effect on the structure’s authority to divest development funds. He cited M.S. Jayasinghe, Secretary to the Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation, and S. Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development at the LTTE Secretariat, both of whom had signed the P-TOMS agreement, along with the Attorney General and the Secretaries to the Ministries of Finance and the President as respondents.

JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe had told the media yesterday that his party would contest the government's signing of the agreement. Addressing a media conference in Colombo, he had said they will file a case against the government for signing the MoU as there was no mandate from the people to do so.

He also challenged the UPFA to sack the JVP members from the parliament and said that according to the UPFA Constitution, if one party leaves, the UPFA would collapse. He said his party is considering whether to write to the Commissioner of Elections, advising him to dissolve the government if the UPFA throws the JVP members out.

28June 2005

LTTE ‘cannot’ rebuild Trinco harbour area By Sassanka Samarakkody

COLOMBO: The strategically vital Trincomalee habour and adjacent areas come under the controversial P-TOMS, the regional tier of which is LTTE-dominated, and is located in the Tiger controlled no-go district of Kilinochchi.
Trincomalee harbour and the adjacent coastal areas, regarded for centuries as a strategic prize, and of particular concern to Sri Lanka and India owing to the recent LTTE build-up in the area, were affected by the tsunami.
However, they have not been exempted from the ambit of the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure. Thus they come into the tsunami disaster zone as per the P-TOMS, which is within the 2km strip from the waterline, analysts have pointed out.

The tsunami affected areas of six districts in the North and East come under the ambit of the P-TOMS.
The regional tier of the P-TOMS has five LTTE members, making the Tigers the largest single shareholder of the structure. This regional level committee is located in the Tiger heartland of Kilinochchi, according to the P-TOMS Memorandum of Understanding. However, speaking to journalists, Jayantha Dhanapla, Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat defended the agreement from this criticism, saying that the P-TOMS merely reiterates the Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE signed by the Ranil Wickremesinghe regime, under which High Security Zones have been set out.

The Trincomalee habour being one of these zones, the Tigers will not be able to undertake any reconstruction work in the area. The tsunami affected areas of the Sinhala and Muslim dominate Ampara district also come under the LTTE-dominated regional committee of the P-TOMS, to be located in Kilinochchi. Ampara is so distinct in ethno cultural composition that the 1986 December 19 proposals worked out by Indian minister P Chidambaram envisaged its exclusion from the merged North and East. Dhanapla has said that the district level committee of the P-TOMS is representative of this specific composition, and the proposals it sends up to the regional level will reflect that composition and those concerns.

Meanwhile, political commentator and writer Tisaranee Gunasekara states: “The Muslims are merely a minority in this Tiger dominated North-East and the role they have been accorded (as per the P-TOMS) is strictly in keeping with this minority status (even though the majority of the tsunami victims are Muslims).“The role of the government (GOSL) is partly that of a quasi-external facilitator enabling the donors to directly fund the Tiger dominated Regional Committee and partly that of a ‘Sinhala representative’ looking after the interests of the Sinhala minority of the North-East.” “The structure of the P-TOMS represents a restructuring of Sri Lanka, he said.”

28June 2005

Islets residents protest

28June 2005

Mirusuvil residents demand

28June 2005

Extra powers for new East Navy Command By Sunil Jayasiri

Following the sudden removal of Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera from the Commander of the Eastern Naval Area, President Chandrika Kumaratunga has appointed current Commander of the Navy’s North Central Command, Rear Admiral Vasantha Karannagoda to the east with additional powers as chief security coordinating officer in Trincomalee from next month.

This move will bring the three services and the police in the Trincomalee district under Rear Admiral Karannagoda’s command.

President Kumaratunga earlier ordered Navy Commander and Chief of Defence Staff Daya Sandagiri to immediately transfer Rear Admiral Weerasekera from the east as government intelligence agency informed the President that Weerasekera had addressed a meeting of three-wheeler taxi drivers, who were directly involved in the Buddha statue controversy in Trincomalee, which led to violence.

However in a detailed report to Navy Headquarters, Rear Admiral Weerasekera has denied the allegation levelled against him by the state intelligence agency connecting him to the recent unrest in Trincomalee.

Earlier the Navy Commander had decided to transfer Rear Admiral Weerasekera as Western Naval Area Commander and Rear Admiral Sarath Rathnakeerthi was to succeed him in Trincomalee, but later it is learnt that President had changed the plan and created a new post - Deputy Chief of Staff at Navy headquarters - and appointed Weerasekera to the new post as a consolation. It is also learnt that Rear Admiral Rathnakeerthi would remain in Colombo.

In addition to the new post, Rear Admiral Weerasekera has also been given the post of Director General Service, Navy Headquarters.

This is the first time the post of Deputy Chief of Staff has been created in the Navy. Hitherto only the Army had such a post. Seniority-wise Rear Admiral Weerasekera is the fifth senior officer in the Navy. Chief of Staff Rear Admiral Mohan Wijesekera is number two, followed by Rear Admiral Vasantha Karannagoda and Rear Admiral Sarath Rathnakeerthi in the 3rd and 4th slots respectively.

Rear Admiral Weerasekera took over as Eastern Naval Area Commander on February 2, this year. Earlier he was Director General, Naval Operations at the Navy Headquarters in Colombo.

28June 2005

President's Office strongly refutes Sunday Times report
News item caption 'UNP rejects CBK's offer to form Govt'-Sunday 26th June 2005.

The President's Office in a letter to the Editor of the Sunday Times strongly refutes the contents of the above news time published yesterday.

The letter states:

1. President Kumaratunga has held no discussions with the UNP inviting it to form a coalition Government giving it 50% of the cabinet portfolios or on any other basis as stated in your news item. Neither has Dr. Sarath Amunugama engaged in such discussions.

2. The said news report also states that President Kumaratunga 'offered to allow the UNP to form a Government when she met the Hon. Milinda Moragoda earlier this week. This too is totally false.

President Kumaratunga invited the Hon Ranil Wickremesinghe for a meeting after one of her ministers conveyed to her, that the Chairman of the UNP, Malik Samarawickrama had suggested that it would be useful if a meeting was held between President Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe in order to discuss the present political situation.

At this meeting, held on the 13th of June with Mr. Wickremesinghe, several issues relating to the current political situation were discussed.

However, the two matters referred to in your news report today, were not taken up for discussion. President Kumaratunga wishes to reiterate that her stance which she has held for the last 10 years, that the two mainstream parties, namely the PA and the UNP should attempt to arrive at a durable working arrangement in the national interest, remains unchanged

28June 2005

'P-TOMS could open the door to peace' by Ranil Wijayapala

Prof. Ranjith Amarasinghe

Prof Ranjith Amarasinghe, lecturer in Political Science at the University of Peradeniya compares the present situation in the country to that which arose following the signing the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayakam Pact. On July 26th it will be 48 years since the signing of the B-C Pact, he recalls. The fate of the agreement and what followed is history familiar to many.

The main opposition party, the UNP campaigned against the Pact. Bandaranaike was accused of agreeing to a division of the country and undermining the status of Sinhala as the official language although Bandaranaike was not prepared to even discuss the establishment of a federal constitution or regional autonomy or take any action that would result in the abolition of the Official Language Act.

Agitations by the UNP and protests by Buddhist monks put the Prime Minister under tremendous pressure. Groups from within his Cabinet and administration openly campaigned against the Pact. The Prime Minister had no one to turn to for help.

On that fateful day on April 9, 1958, a group of Buddhist monks led by Ven. Baddegama Wimalawamsa Thera organised a Satyagraha on the lawn of the Prime Minister's residence in Colombo and demanded that the Pact be abrogated. The Prime Minister complied, and the first serious attempt to settle the problem affecting the rights of Tamils through political negotiations failed, Prof. Amarasinghe recalls.

He argues that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga should not fall under the pressures of the Maha Sangha and extremist political parties as her father did, although the scenario today is somewhat different. The President, should seize this golden opportunity to go forward in solving the national question.

He sees the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure as a window of opportunity for the Government to win back the faded confidence of the Tamil people. He further argues that the Government would lose total control over tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction if it does not establish the P-TOMS.

He also warns of a possibility of the international community's direct involvement in this human tragedy if this arrangement does not come into effect. They have every right to intervene under international law under these circumstances, he says.

Prof. Ranjith Amarasinghe allays the unwarranted fears the people are having in their minds over the P-TOMS.

Following are excerpts of the interview given to the 'Daily News' by Prof. Amarasinghe.

Q: There is a big hue and cry over the proposed Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure or Joint Mechanism. Now people can see the proposed structure as it is now open for discussion. Therefore do you think that there was any justification for the howls raised by sections especially the JVP and the JHU?

To give you a one word answer these are totally unjustifiable. They have been opposing the Joint Mechanism, later renamed Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure even before knowing what is entailed in those proposals. They entirely didn't know what is there. Yet they were opposing it. That itself tells us a lot of things about their arguments. Now even after knowing what these are they are opposing it.

Q: Now can you explain this P-TOMS?

This is a certain arrangement which could be utilised to manage the operations related to reconstruction and rebuild the areas that were destroyed by tsunami. And also to rehabilitate the people who were affected by the tsunami. That is a very straightforward administrative arrangement. Not a political arrangement where the LTTE for the first time is going to play a role in administration. There is a difference between a political and administrative arrangement. This is a very limited arrangement for a specific purpose.

A section of the tsunami-affected in the East

Q: How do you differentiate between political power and administrative power?

Political power is the real power, and how people relate to that power. Here there is no question of sharing political power. It is a question of a particular arrangement coming into operation for administrating of post-tsunami rehabilitation work. So the political element is not there.

Nowhere in the proposed draft is there mentionable as to who is going to have political point line. But some people have been interpreting this as an attempt to hand-over a share of political power to the LTTE, misinterpreting the whole situation. Here, we get a situation where the LTTE for the first time is working with the Government in administrative work.

Q: You mean this is completely different from LTTE's ISGA proposals?

Remember, when the LTTE proposed an Interim Self Governing Authority, everyone opposed it. The UNP, SLFP and all opposed it. Because the ISGA was a proposal where the LTTE was demanding or making a case to have a political, administrative, cultural, economic, social control of the areas in the North and the Eastern Provinces. They were demanding the foreign relations and they were asking the control over the shoreline adjacent to the North and the Eastern provinces, so nobody can come to that sea area without their permission. They were going to have a judicial structure on their own which has nothing to do with the Sri Lankan state. They were asking for linear power related to the North East provinces. So that is power. Almost unconditional and it was not time bound. It was open ended. They said they want have the ISGA, to establish the ISGA and in the meantime work towards an acceptable political arrangement. If we can't come to a political arrangement,the ISGA will continue as a permanent political arrangement. But this structure will be limited only to a one year period. So we have a time frame.

Q: You mean that we can make use of this opportunity to bypass the ISGA proposals?

Not that way. That is political. Some people opposed the ISGA with good reasons. But some of the people who are opposing the P-TOMS are trying to portray that as a new alternative to the ISGA. This is totally misleading. If compared to the power demanded by the LTTE under the ISGA and what is being assigned to the P-TOMS, there is a girth of difference between the two. And I think it is mischievous on the part of these critics to identify the proposed P-TOMS with the ISGA. This ISGA is totally different and it is another world.

Q: There is a fundamental criticism that through the P-TOMS the LTTE is being given more international recognition ?

I think again this is a very mischievous statement. You can remember the LTTE Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan and a group of his people leading LTTEers went on a journey in Europe. They visited 14 countries and they were received as ambassadors and high level delegations by the countries they have visited. The LTTE always have this recognition. There is no need for us to come and help the LTTE to get international recognition. They already have it. From the time this Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE in the year 2002 they have been receiving that international recognition now they were talking about. During the last couple of years so many World Bank officials, political leaders, representatives of governments, political leaders from different countries, UN and UNICEF representatives have been meeting with the LTTE. They go to the Wanni and meet with LTTE leaders, they meet Prabhakaran, they meet Thamilselvan. That is the recognition. There won't be anything new to the LTTE under the proposed arrangement.

Q: What is the composition of this P-TOMS and how does it function?

The P-TOMS structure is a three tired structure. At the top level we have the high level committee composed of three persons. One from the LTTE, one from the Government and one from the Muslim community with equal representation.

The high level committee is assigned the task of identifying the needs of the post-tsunami disaster reconstruction and rehabilitation. The high level committee make decisions based on consensus. Then they have to approve it by unanimous decision. If they cannot approve then they have to drop it. They cannot go beyond that point. The decision has to be consensual. The LTTE, the Government or the Muslims cannot go on its own.

Then there is a Regional Committee. Regional Committee is the body which assesses the proposals on rehabilitation and development. As you say the Regional Committee comprises five LTTE representatives and five non-LTTE representatives.

The third level is the District Committee. District Committee is composed of elected representatives, sitting members of Parliament and Provincial Councillors. In addition we also find NGO representatives LTTE representatives, Government officials who are not elected. That is how these District Committees function. They were formulated soon after the tsunami occurred and now functioning smoothly.

Q: Can we be satisfied with the composition of the committees, as the LTTE have a major share in these committees. Will it be a threat to national interest ?

The main thing is that this is an arrangement based on compromise. Probably you might not know that the LTTE was demanding a large majority in the Regional Committee. They wanted six against five. But that was not accepted. But the fact remains that LTTE has an important role to play at the Regional Committee. Of the six districts that are to be covered under this arrangement two are totally under the control of the LTTE - Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi. In addition to that the LTTE has very a significant influence in the other four districts also. Although they are not in total control of Trincomalee, Jaffna, Batticaloa and Ampara districts, yet they wield enormous influence in those areas. So we have to accept that the LTTE has to play a major role in these areas. And this is the first time LTTE has agreed to work with the Government of Sri Lanka. Earlier they did not even refer to the Government of Sri Lanka. Even the Ceasefire Agreement does not refer to Sri Lankan Government. In their thinking the concept a of Sri Lankan Government does not occur. But this time they have agreed to work with the Sri Lankan Government.

Q: Will this structure have any adverse effect on any ethnic or religious group?

Compared to what they were demanding originally the present arrangement relating to the post-tsunami structure is much more advanced and much more favourable to the country. Although the LTTE has five nominees and two other groups also have five, decisions are to be made by a majority. Therefore, five is not a majority.

If the LTTE has to have any of its proposals approved it has to get the support either of the Sri Lankan Government or from the Muslim representatives. The LTTE cannot control it. On the other hand there is also the provisional arrangement if any two members in the Regional Committee finds that vital interest of any group, (any group could be an ethnic group and it could be a category of people such as teachers, workers or farmers or religious group) feels that interest of a particular group is going to be affected by a decision, then they can demand that decision should not be approved by a simple majority, it should be approved only by a two thirds majority.

Assume the LTTE making a proposal, and the Muslims think it is adverse to their interest or if the LTTE brings a proposal which the Sri Lankan Government representatives think runs counter to the interest of the Sri Lankan Government, at this point the two members of the Sri Lankan Government can object and say this should be approved by a two thirds majority. That means, the LTTE has only five. For the moment if either the Government of Sri Lanka or the Muslims feel that vital interest of the people they represent are undermined can insist on their demand on the basis of the two thirds majority.

Q: Is there any possibility for the LTTE to obstruct the Government plans for rebuilding the tsunami-affected areas or to misuse this structure to achieve their objectives?

In a way the Government of Sri Lanka gives the LTTE an opportunity to do something for their people. If we feel they will obstruct that they will be the losers not the Government. The Government can say we tried our best and they are obstructing so we can't do anything. We can do something on our own. I think that will not happen. This is something of a compromise arrangement that will enable the LTTE to play a role. And they like it. They are very concerned for its implementation. They are blaming the Government for dillydallying, dragging their feet. They are very keen on this. I don't think the LTTE will either sabotage or use this for other purposes. They can't use, for instance, roofing sheets that are set apart for building houses, for building bunkers. That is why the Government is there and Muslims are there. That cannot go on like this.

Q: Are there arrangements to monitor the activities of these committees?

Remember this will be monitored by international monitors. Because although we have made all those arrangements, who is going to finance this? It is the foreign funds and the donors. The donors will be keeping an eye very closely on the whole operation of the mechanism. Because,it is their money that will be used.

Q: Briefly explain what are the repercussions that the country has to face if we don't implement the P-TOMS?

If we look at it more positively it is very likely we will not get the assistance we ought to get to rebuild our nation that was totally damaged in the tsunami. None of the donors have said they will not give funds if we don't have this mechanism. But to utilise the funds they have been offering we have to have a mechanism. Otherwise, there is no way of utilising funds. If there is no mechanism or administrative arrangement to utilise these funds what happens is, the international community will be very keen to intervene.

Because there is a human disaster. And they have every right to intervene because this is a major human disaster. Intervention of the international community, in an occasion like this is accepted even under international law. If there is no mechanism through which assistance could be provided to the affected areas, it is quite possible the international community will intervene directly.

That is akin to a situation where the Government of Sri Lankan will have no control over the utilising of funds. The International community will utilise the NGOs. There are, all sorts of NGOs operating in the country. People don't like the NGOs, the way they are operating. But if there is no mechanism, may be the international community will be compelled to utilise these NGOs to provide assistance to the affected people. Or they may even prefer to give funds to the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation which is the LTTE front. They might not give assistance to the LTTE direct. But they can justify assistance to the TRO which is directly an LTTE front organisation. In other words the Government of Sri Lanka absolutely will have no control over what is happening in the North. That is one aspect.

The other side is, if this does not take place and the Government cannot play a role in rehabilitation of the affected areas. The Government cannot come to the rescue of the affected people, LTTE will be given a marvellous opportunity to tell the world, 'Look, the Sinhala Government is not treating the Tamil people'. This has been the slogan all the time. This is not true. We know, the successive Governments have been doing their utmost to help Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people without any discrimination. But the LTTE keep saying that the Sinhala Government is not helping Tamil people. If we don't play a role at this time then they get a marvellous opportunity to tell the world "look, how the Sinhala Government is treating us, our people suffered such a massive disaster yet they are not doing anything to help our situation". Can there be any other argument stronger than that to justify going their way and pushing the claim for the separate state in the North and East. They will say we are not asking the ISGA, we are not asking a separate state, we are only asking to have a mechanism which can help our people. But this Government is not giving what we are asking for.

Q: What are the opportunities for the Sri Lankan Government through this mechanism?

If this takes place for the first time the Government of Sri Lanka will have the opportunity to have some say in what happens in Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and many other areas which have been totally or almost out of bounds for the Government. Is that not true? Now the whole of Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi are out of bound to us. Even the MoU accepts that. In the MoU it is there in writing. It says that you can't have any responsibility in that area. The LTTE is totally under-estimating the Government of Sri Lanka. If this works out, the Government of Sri Lanka representatives also can take decisions relating to the areas under the control of the LTTE.

Q: Do you think this opportunity can be used for the Government to recommence the stalled peace process?

The President all the time says that this will be a marvellous opportunity to prepare the ground to restart the peace process. As we know after the LTTE put forward their ISGA proposals to the Government the peace talks came to a standstill. They said they will come for talks only if the Government accepts the ISGA or accept to talk on the ISGA which no party, neither the UNP or the UPFA Government could accept.

So the peace process got mired. Various efforts were made by the Norwegians and others but no progress was made. And this cannot go on like this. The situation of no war no peace and recurrent violation of the Ceasefire Agreement mostly by the LTTE cannot go on forever and ever. It is a temporary transit arrangement and anything could happen at any time. Therefore it is very important we should move to restart the peace process. Tsunami, is in a way a silver lining in a dark cloud, a blessing in disguise. It is an opportunity for the Government to talk to the LTTE. Not on the peace process but on tsunami reconstruction. And on the other hand they were collaborating at various levels. If we have a structure like this we can consolidate those interactions that are going on at the moment and make this a first step towards the move for peace talks and to restart the peace process. That way the mechanism or the P-TOMS getting off the ground was enormously supporting the recommencement of the stalled peace process.

Q: Why is the P-TOMS so crucial and that we should grab this opportunity as you say?

It serves as an example as to why we could not afford to miss this opportunity considering the national question. Here we have a scenario where the Sinhalese and Tamils are working in brotherhood. We must remember that at any time they can go back to war. The Muslims feel very insecure wherever they live. This situation is utterly disadvantageous for the development of the country. This we cannot afford. We should go on to have peace talks resulting in a permanent long lasting solution. There is no other solution to this country. May be this will open the door. This is the first step. That is why we say this has to be done.

We are talking only about a simple administrative structure which could help rehabilitate and reconstruct tsunami-affected people and areas. This will be applicable only to a two kilo meter buffer zone in the tsunami-affected coastal belt in the North East. We are not going reconstruct the damaged LTTE military installations.

If we can't even agree to go for a thing like that, what would the world would think of us? The world would think the Government is not concerned about the plight of the people.

They are anti people. 30, 000 people have died and they are still quarrelling over a little thing like this they would say. They will lose interest in supporting Sri Lanka. We can't build on our own. The magnitude of the disaster is so vast. We have the international support brought here. Therefore we should rethink restarting the peace process and winning the Tamil community's confidence again.

Q: Do you think we should impose conditions for the LTTE before signing the P-TOMS?

I don't think so. I think already there are conditions within the P-TOMS. They can't have their way. They can't try to do things which are detrimental to the interest of other groups. At the highest level and the Regional Committees. Because at the highest level there has to be a consensus. Regionally you must go by the majority. There is also the case where the majority vote cannot be adverse to any group. At such times we can insist on a two thirds majority. So the LTTE is already bound by various conditions.

At the District Committee level there are already political representatives, from other Tamil political parties. District Committees are vital in this chain of structure because of the other Tamil political party representatives. Therefore, this is not totally devoted to the LTTE. Other Tamil parties are also playing a role at least at the vital lower level committee.

This is the first time we are going to work with the LTTE. So we should try to do it in a way that will help us to win their confidence. Successive governments are seen by the LTTE as cheats. So they are sensitive. So why should we impose conditions. The objective of setting the structure itself is a condition.

28June 2005

JVP, JHU can do nothing against LTTE — Amunugama by Cyril Wimalasurendre

KANDY — The Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) could do nothing against the LTTE other than holding Sathyagraha and demonstrations in the South, said Finance and Planning Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama at a meeting of the Samurdhi Development and Agriculture Research Development Officers at Hataraliyadde, on Saturday (25).

The crisis in the North and the East that lasted for over two decades could not be resolved through Sathyagraha and protests in the south, Dr. Amunugama said. The P-Toms arrangement initiated by the government moved the LTTE to come to some agreement with the government, Dr. Amunugama noted. He said that the MoU of the P- Toms clearly stated that the development activities in the region are implemented by the public servants and not by any political group or the LTTE and that the LTTE was authorised to hand finances. The LTTE is unable to make a copper cent out of the funds allocated to any development project, Dr. Amunugama further noted.

He said the Joint Mechanism agreement is the only agreement entered into between the government and the LTTE. According to the agreement the LTTE, whether they like it or not, have to work with the officers of the government. This is rather a turn for the better, since the gap between the LTTE and the government is made narrower. This is an achievement in the quest for peace for the country. Achievements such as this cannot be made by staging Sathyagraha. Nor can the country be developed by Sathyagraha.

The government with the leadership of President Chandrika Kumaratunge has approved a number of plans for the development of the country. The government has decided to import at least 180 buses to operate to solve the passenger transport problem. Restructuring of some enterprises has become essential. Had the CEB re-structed as was proposed the consumer would have received a Rs. 2.60 reduction of the electricity cost on every unit. The government is taking steps to effect a pay like for the Samurdhi Development officers, the minister added.

Deputy Minister Rohana Dissanayake and several others spoke. Central PC member Dilum Amunugama, Tumpane Pradeshiya Secretary U. M. Wanninayake were present at the meeting

28June 2005

SLMC laments betrayal of Muslims
Interview with SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem conducted by The Island journalist Bandula Jayasekara on YA TV's HARDLINE on Sunday, June 26 on TNL.

Q: The Joint Mechanism has been signed and the president did not involve the Muslims and they are not a party to it. So what now?

A: We are disappointed. In fact I took it up with the president when I had a one-to-one meeting with her and she talked about the virtues from her point of view and tried to convince me that we should participate in the Joint Mechanism when it is established. I disagreed and I told her very emphatically that the cause of the Muslims had been betrayed by us not being involved as a principle stakeholder as much as the LTTE and the government are identified in the document.

Q: But you took time to protest. Why did you wake up so late?

A: Not really. We had to also show the distinction between our protest and that of the nationalist elements that have come up against it with violent protests all over the country, originally spearheaded by the JHU's hunger strike campaign and thereafter the JVP which threw in the towel as far as the government’s efforts are concerned. We didn't want to confuse our motives with that of the JVP or the JHU since we are not in principle against entering into some working arrangement with the LTTE to reconstruct the tsunami affected areas in the north east.

Q: Why do you think that it might compromise the interests of the Muslims?

A: Principally the fact is that the Muslim community is a nationality that has a particular status when it comes to its legal position in devolution matters. We have gradually managed as a party, when it was participating in the peace talks. Originally, when we were not a signatory to the cease-fire agreement, that was on the basis that there were two armed formations, that of the LTTE, then the Sri Lankan Army which fought the war. It was strictly a matter of creating conditions of normalcy in the North East and in order to aid and assist that process they were thinking of setting up different structures in that process. We argued quite successfully that the Muslims are a separate distinct political entity and that we should be considered as an independent party to the negotiations. We ultimately succeeded in getting the LTTE as well to consent to the arrangement where we will come in with a separate delegation when substantive political issues are discussed. This was reached in Thailand during the fourth round of talks. Subsequently although the LTTE wasn't present at the Tokyo donor conference the entire international community, including 53 nations and about 20 multilateral agencies, endorsed this fact and very emphatically said that if the peace process resumes the Muslims should be considered as a distinct party and that we should be able to field a separate delegation to the peace talks.

Q: But did the LTTE agree to it? Did the LTTE support it?

A: Well, from the very outset, before the peace talks even began, way back on the 13th of April 2002, I had a meeting with Mr. Prabhakaran, the leader of the LTTE, where he invited me to Killinochchi. We had a very cordial discussion for more than three hours. In fact that's the only substantive discussion with any Muslim leader that he has had and we were quite pleased with that meeting. We were able to agree on a variety of issues which have an impact on the future of the Muslims and we had a written document. In that, he very clearly said that when the peace talks start the Muslims could field a separate delegation. However subsequently they tried to play it down. We insisted, and we continued to insist, subsequently succeeding in getting the negotiators, both the government and the LTTE, to consent to our participation as a separate delegation when the substantive political issues come up. By political issues we mean when even an interim administrative arrangement was to be reached.

Q: Although the MOU you signed with the LTTE leader was well publicized there were more problems that started after it. There were more attacks on the Muslims especially in the east and other areas. So I don't think the LTTE honoured it. So how do you see that?

A: Well, there were trading of charges between the LTTE and ourselves. From various Muslim leaders, community leaders, and religious leaderships on both sides there were appeals for calm. We were exercising maximum restraint in the face of provocative actions by, supposedly the LTTE. I'm not putting the blame on anyone here but we have to be very careful on identifying as to who was responsible. But in any event it happened. Our position was, some of these attacks originated from LTTE-controlled areas. In fact, before the MOU was signed there were these demarcations of these LTTE-controlled areas and government-controlled areas. After the agreement, with the LTTE cadres coming in for political work and with the lapse of time after ninety days the entry and exit of LTTE cadres was quite open and the whole line of control became so blurred that almost all the Tamil majority areas of the north east were in fact under the writ of the LTTE, since they had the presence of their cadres, though most of them could not, according to the MOU, be carrying arms.

Q: I remember once traveling with you after some trouble and the Muslims in the east asked you for arms because they were harassed. They have suffered but what have you done as the leader of the Muslim Congress and a Muslim leader?

A: Yes, I must say that the government also should bear responsibility towards the security of the Muslim population since all these incidents happened in government-controlled areas. What unfortunately happened was that the government forces, particularly those responsible for law and order, the Sri Lanka police and its men were unable to act since they had this inhibition that if at all they used force, used fire power that it might end up in the cease-fire being breached. They were mortally afraid of going beyond a line and the leadership in the police too, were not willing to go beyond a point to control a riot situation. This happened many times.

Q: Yes. But, innocent Muslims continue to suffer due to tsunami. You have lost more than one per cent. But there is nothing happening for them from the Muslim leadership. The Muslim leaders are divided.

A: Well now this is an excuse that some people give. They say, when it comes to legitimate aspirations of the Muslim community, you cannot simply point at Muslim leadership being divided and deny their right to be heard. I would like to address this question to the international community. Particularly after the signing of the this Post-Tsunami Operational Mechanism structure it is very evident that the international community has also been somewhat complacent about the issue where the Muslims have raised a legitimate demand to be involved as an integral party to this document, that they should be considered as a primary stakeholder and be a signatory to the document. That being denied, what happens is that the democratic forces that are raising this cry, in fact emanate from the grass roots and this is the feeling of the people that they have an identity of their own and are living in clearly identifiable geographic areas. In fact these are areas where Muslim domination is quite apparent. If they are not allowed to handle their affairs without interference by others, it would mean that the Muslim community is being sidelined in the process and ultimately the democratic forces may fail and the implications could be very dangerous.

Q: The president had reassured you and the Muslim ministers in cabinet and the document also says the Muslim community’s interests are safeguarded by this representation in the joint mechanism. How do you see that?

A: You see there is a difference in safeguards being placed. If you mean they are talking about minority safeguards, the Muslim community doesn't want a minority tag given to them in the north east because when you create one structure for the entire north east, merge the two provinces and create one structure the Muslim political strength becomes diluted. That has been our basic problem ever since the Indo-Lanka accord. And now in order to allay the fears of the Muslims they are proposing the introduction of the safeguards which will not suffice. We are entitled to autonomy, a certain amount of self rule in our areas, since we have those areas under our domination. So this doesn't mean that we are also challenging the sovereignty of the country as such, we are only wanting to exercise some kind of internal self determination of our areas so that we will not have the interference of other forces in areas where we dominate.

Q: TNA leader Mr. Sambandan says you have the right to be there. They don't really discount that, they accept it. How do you see it?

A: Many Tamil leaders have been making these patronising remarks. We are sick and tired of them. Because in practice they are not prepared to accommodate Muslims in their legitimate status, with their legitimate status intact. When I mean our legitimate status as much as a primary stakeholder, as much as the LTTE represents, the Muslims. The Muslim political leadership, you may call it divided, but ultimately the mandate the people gave was for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. We got an overwhelming mandate in the three dominant districts of the east and also to a certain extent in the Vanni district where the Muslims voted en bloc for the SLMC. We had almost 200,000 votes and that returned many MPs to parliament. What ultimately happened was some members were inveigled by the government with the inducement of portfolios and various other illegal inducements. This resulted in purposeful weakening of the clout of the SLMCwhich had the mandate from the people. Ultimately this government got its majority by getting these members to cross over. So now when the party has its mandate, I feel that the legitimacy of the government itself was in question. You see?

Q: But why do you let the two major parties manipulate you?

A: No, it’s not a question of us letting the two parties manipulate us. You see power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. And here what happens is with the Executive Presidency in their hands, with the legislative power in their hands, with all kinds of forces trying to see that the SLMC's clout is weakened since they want to have a majority in parliament...

For about three to four months during the speaker's election it was quite apparent they couldn't get the speaker of their choice because the SLMC stood in the way. They tried to bring in all kinds of low allegations against me and then tried to win that vote and they failed and subsequently they persisted in their attempts and then, I cannot help it when individuals can be lured with inducements which none of us can match because we are a small party but yet you see all of these people have got to face the electoral once again. Particularly with this betrayal, which is a betrayal of the community and its interests and its future, these people will have a tough time trying to convince the people that they did the right thing.

Q- So what are you going to do about it after all these betrayals?

A- In fact, before doing all this, before going out against them, I invited them back in all sincerity. I sent emissaries to each one of them. Spoke to them in public, invited them through a media conference, appealed to them. In fact I told them we can forget about the past, let us hang on to our different positions but on this single issue of winning our right to be a party to this document, which is the threshold issue for the Muslim community. If we didn't win that right, that would mean that our efforts to get this status properly established over a period of time. Ever since the ceasefire was signed we have been agitating, fighting for it and have progressively achieved the endorsement of the international community finally in the Tokyo declaration. And also getting the LTTE to agree to change their hard stance, which very unfortunately, originally having been quite flexible on this issue when I met with Prabakaran, subsequently variety of forces have prevailed perhaps on the LTTE and have decided to deny the Muslims their rightful place and it would have serious implications for the peace process. If the Muslim community is going to be treated in this fashion, we are not going to take it lying down. We are going to go to the people. We are going to get them to democratically agitate. We are going to use whatever power within our ranks to mobilize the people and to bring pressure. Though the President and her clique in government has gone ahead and done this great injustice. This has been a perpetration of a serious injustice on the Muslim community. Despite that we will go ahead, convince the people, bring pressure so that the international community will realize that the voice of the Muslim's will have to be heeded.

Q- You have been ignored. Your voices have been ignored. How and when are you going to start this agitation? You told me last week that you might take to the streets. So how are you going to do that?

A- Well, we have in fact started; we have started to mobilize our people. In fact I'm starting my first meeting in the Vanni area among the displaced Muslims, since this is a meeting that has been fixed already. Then thereafter I'm going on to Ampara, getting our district organizers together and then we will start educating the people going against this mechanism, because you know we have to be somewhat patient, we had to also exercise maximum restraint until things came to a head. We put our hopes on the efforts of those in government since they kept on saying: "Well this is going to materialize, we have spoken to the President, she has assured us that we could sign the document, we will be a party to it". So we didn't want to scuttle the efforts that they were making. And they made such grandiose statement through the press. Unfortunately all of this has come to a whimper and we are not going to be taking them on unnecessarily. I don't think we need to make an internecine warfare about this within our ranks. When the public pressure is against them, they would realize that this is not going to work. And they also know that an election is in the offing and it's not easy for them.

Q- Yes but the saddest thing is the victims in areas in Kalmunai, they're suffering, they're homeless, now this was brought to help them. So how can you face them? You are their leaders. You have failed to pressurize the President, convince her, and they're suffering its six months after tsunami. This is supposed to help the victims of the tsunami. Muslims have suffered the most. But what's happening to them?

A- Well I would admit that there is an element of truth in what you say but then the issue of procrastination when it comes to helping the tsunami victims, I would blame the Government and its bureaucracy and its lethargy. Here they had taken more than six months to set up anything substantial to start receiving the funds and identifying the projects. Needs assessment had been done many months ago by the multilateral agencies and the Donor community. But then the Government has been procrastinating, dragging their feet on this issue. They have kept the matter so secret that internal rebellion got to a point where they just simply couldn't go ahead with the document as soon as they wished. All of this because a person with such an experience the President should have known. If you look at Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe, when he had to take a decision he took it without too much of delay. And then he was able to deliver and he was able to turn the economy from a minus position on to more than 5 1/2% of growth. All of this was achieved through the peace process being on track. Though we had faced certain setbacks Muslims did face set backs but then we were hopeful, we were able to progressively achieve certain milestones in our struggle to be identified as an important stakeholder in the process but then all of this has been dashed with one stroke of the pen where the President has authorized them to make this simply a bilateral agreement between the Government and the LTTE. This is a serious matter. This matter we will take before the people.

Q. Getting back to the International community, you were a member of the UNP peace delegation, thereafter you travelled widely speaking to the International community, meeting diplomats and ministers. So how come you have failed to convince the International community in the importance of Muslims as participation with all your contacts and wide network?

A- Well there is limitation to our pressure. In fact we went on talking about it, most of them gave a good hearing to us and they were prepared to accept our arguments. But then unfortunately in my opinion this issue of confusing the Muslim demands Muslim political demands and then equating this to you know there are sometimes in my opinion very unfortunately you try to put us into the band wagon of other Muslim groups all over the world. It's a very unfortunate thing. They look at Muslim identity politics as something that has inherent potential of becoming violent but what they don't realize is that when they don't heed to the call of democratic political party in the entire Muslim world there isn't a party like the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. I think the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress is the only political party which represents minority Muslims anywhere in the democratic world. This is a unique position where we have brought the Muslims into the democratic mainstream and had been able to convince them and give them leadership and progressively achieve our goals through a democratic struggle but is this is ignored, if these calls are being ignored just for political expediency it's simply because some of them appear to be understood by the Muslim population. As if we will not be heard unless we're not armed, and that's a very dangerous thing. We're trying to prevent that. We are fighting to be head on these issues.

Q- But there is also an allegation that you have contributed to the disunity of the Muslim community. What have you got to say to it?

A- You see, disunity is prevalent in every formation, every community every everywhere in every party. You see it's a matter of degree. It may be that I had to face these calamities to such an extent since I'm in the opposition now. Even when I was in Government, variety of forces were at work, they didn't want the Muslims to be united. Unfortunately our members of Parliament when they get elected they feel that the, mandate was directly given to them, not for the party. The party had fought the elections on a particular political platform. And we insisted on them adhering to those principles, particularly when it contested the last elections. It fought the elections on one single platform saying that the Muslims must be now endorsed as a separate political entity in the peace process and anything that would be leading up to the peace process. And particularly after the tsunami struck it became quite apparent this was quite different to the peace process where the Muslims were the majority among the affected people. Muslims suffered the most. They had the worst damages that they had to suffer. Large amount of lives were lost. We have almost lost 1% of our population in the tsunami. With all that happening now we find P-TOMS have been established where the structures had been created diminishing our strength in them. And unfortunately allowing us to fight for survival within those structures which will also have implications for us in the future peace process.

Q- How could you unite the Muslims in Sri Lanka?

A- Certainly unity amongst the Muslims isn't a difficult thing to achieve. It's possible only if, that's, that could be brought about by the people. By pressure among the people. People know what expediency in politics is. You see they just don't take kindly to expedient politics. They want people to stay the course when it comes to identity politics when it comes to its legitimate demands, if anybody compromised on it they will have to pay the price. So in a democratic society periodic elections will certainly mean a lot to a community which is being affected by such disunity.

Q- Are there any armed Muslim groups in the East?

A- Certainly not. As far as I am concerned. You see the Muslim community has been the worst affected. There has been this tunnel vision of the Muslim community's efforts to survive in a very difficult environment. We have been massacred in large numbers, entire villages have been totally eradicated. In fact in just one District in the Batticaloa District almost 36 entire villages today Muslims are not living. They're refugees living in various parts of the District in the periphery of the larger villages simply moving there for safety of their lives and limb. This being the situation the Muslims were at the receiving end. And they were not the perpetrators.

Q- But do you expect these young Muslims to keep quiet?

A- Well now their patience is now wearing. The signs were quite apparent. The symptoms are already emerging. I'm sure this is something that the International community should pay heed to. With this document being signed in this fashion depriving the Muslim community of its legitimate right to be a signatory to the document, this betrayal will certainly give some kind of impetuous to such elements. We would certainly go into the field try and minimize the impact of it. We will try and give them hope that it's possible to still agitate democratically still bring pressure on the International community, the Donor community and also to get the Government and the LTTE to change their current position when it comes to the Muslim community.

Q- But do you expect them to have patience for so long? It seems they are losing interest or they don't respect their people who're representing them in the Parliament. They are being harassed and they're affected. So do you expect them to hang on for so long?

A- You see, there are a variety of reasons that contributed to this, particularly in the Muslim majority areas of the Ampara District and also the Batticaloa and Trincomalee District. This irrational buffer zone issue has complicated matters so much of resettlement and rehabilitation of the Tsunami victims with the scarcity of land in most of these areas it is virtually impossible to even create temporary shelters for them and the government policy of not paying compensation for people within the two hundred meter buffer zone. They are still vacillating on the question whether it should be two hundred, hundred or fifty or even not to have a buffer zone at all. In fact it is my contention that this buffer zone is not going to work. In most of these countries where frequent tsunami's strike it has been a practice not to have the buffer zone at all but to allow people to build at their risk but the provide evacuation centers and also have a better early warning system but the Sri Lankan government has very fool hardily gone into this buffer zone criteria and has confused the whole process of rehabilitation and reconstruction. In fact the needs assessment done by the donor community too could go hay wire if changes are affected to the buffer zone rule which inevitably have got to be affected.

Q- What do you see as the greatest challenge to the interests of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka?

A- Greatest challenge is to succumb to the pressure tactics of the government, LTTE and others. We need to be firm when it comes to standing up for our rights, you see injustice somewhere means injustice everywhere. You simply cannot agree to take things lying down on this issue we need to be resilient in fact the Muslim community is a very resilient community, it has faced hardships it has been facing this adversity for many long years. We have been discriminated, we have faced difficulties. There had been violence perpetrated on the Muslim community without any reason being attached. You see we have been ethnically cleansed from the entire North and driven out and our people are living in refugee camp for more fourteen years without any hope given to them. Now they are talking about the PTOMS agreement facilitating their return, well its not going to be that easy its going to take a long time the security is a principle issue. You see we cannot go back without our security being properly ensured. But I'm sure our community is a resilient community it will emerge from this tsunami with commitment to win the struggle.

Q- Ranil Wickramasinghe has failed you, Chandrika Kumaratunga has failed you, LTTE has failed you, where do you go from here?

A- Well we don't depend on anyone to save us, or I don't say they had to fail us and for me to throw up my arms in despair and say I have no where to turn to. I have my people to turn to. They are a resilient community, they have to be given leadership. We will stand on our feet, we will learn to coexist, we will learn to turn this nation into a prosperous nation where we can be proud citizens of this country enjoying equal status with the others. But of course I have my respect for the National leaders Ranil, or Chandrika, or anyone they have a difficult job to perform but they take the Muslim case for granted. They think that you know, you need to keep managing this problem and they don't solve the problem. And this is the difficulty with our national leaders, they must learn to solve problems and they must learn to take things head on. Here we feel both of the have exhibited some courage in the face of adversity. Of course sometimes you see the expectancy of political office, or extending political office may have been the motive. But then, they are doing a difficult job in a difficult period in country's history we must appreciate all that. But we have to stand up for our rights we don't have to depend on others but we have learn to coexist and live

Q- Will you join the Government? There are talks that you might join the Government?

A- Certainly not. I don't contemplate on taking up portfolio's its mere speculation in my opinion. We have to lead from the front, from among the people and not be aspiring for office every time you are in the opposition.

Q- One last question what is your mood today? Are you sad, do you feel dejected, unhappy or angry?

A- I would say I am somewhat furious at what has happened but yet as I told you, we need to be very firm in what we stand up for but we must also exercise restraint we need not be exasperated or we need not despair at a time like this, we have hope, we can rise from the ashes.

28June 2005

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28June 2005

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28June 2005

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June 27, 2005

US welcomes agreement on Joint Mechanism

Welcoming the signing of the agreement to create a joint mechanism on tsunami reconstruction, Embassy of the United States of America in Colombo in a press release ssued on Monday said that the mechanism, if implemented properly, will help to ensure efficient and equitable reconstruction assistance to those whose lives were devastated by the South Asia tsunami in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The US statement urged both parties to take all possible steps to see that the ceasefire is observed and strengthened.
Fulltext of the press release follows:Statement on the Signing of the Joint Mechanism on Tsunami Aid Distribution

"The United States welcomes the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam decision to sign an agreement to create a joint mechanism on tsunami reconstruction. If implemented properly, this mechanism will help to ensure efficient and equitable reconstruction assistance to those whose lives were devastated by the South Asia tsunami in the North and East of Sri Lanka. We hope the experience the two sides will gain by working together will help to build confidence and lead to progress in the broader peace process. It is even more important now that the two parties take all possible steps to see that the ceasefire is observed and strengthened."

June 27, 2005

Bhikku Front accuses Kumaratunge of betraying Buddhist Prelates
"President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge is the number one enemy of Buddhism in Sri Lanka," said the National Bhikku Front (NBF), an organization of Sinhalese Buddhist monks of Sri Lanka in Colombo Monday. The NBF urged the top Buddhist Prelates to withdraw the blessings they gave Ms Kumaratunge as Head of the State and to declare her as a non-Buddhist.
Venerable Dambara Amila Thero who staged a fast-to-death campaign a week ago against the signing of the P-TOMS between the UPFA Government and the LTTE was speaking at a press briefing held at hotel Nippon in Colpetty Monday morning.

Dambara Amila Thero who was forcibly removed from the venue by Police to the Colombo hospital further said that the President had earlier agreed to discuss the P-TOMS with the Chief Prelates of Sri Lanka and obtain their explicit blessings before signing the agreement.

"Ms Kumaratunga did not keep her pledge and went against the Buddhist hierarchy of the country," he said.

Amila Thero added that the NBF would continue to intensify its "island-wide" opposition against the signing of the P-TOMS.

June 27, 2005

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June 27, 2005

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June 26, 2005

SLA escorted convoy with LTTE officials ambushed
A convoy carrying Amparai Political Head of the Tigers, Mr. Kuyilinpan and other LTTE staff, with Sri Lanka Army (SLA) escort facilitated by Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), was attacked at Welikanda at 2.55 PM Sunday, Welikanda Police said. The bus carrying around 40 eastern LTTE officials from Kilinochchi to Batticaloa was ambushed with a land mine, but none were killed as the vehicle narrowly escaped the impact of the bomb. One LTTE official was injured in the attack. The ambush took place between two Sri Lankan military camps, at Boaththe, around 1 km from Welikanda SLA base. The convoy resumed its journey towards Batticaloa with high security, Police said.

The explosion was caused by a remote-controlled mine and not by a claymore mine as reported earlier, LTTE officials traveling the bus said. The convoy escaped full blast of the explosion as it was traveling on the opposite side of the road to negotiate large potholes where the mine was buried, LTTE officials added.

A woman official of the LTTE, Ms S Tharsa, was discharged shortly after being admitted to Welikanda hospital, according to Welikanda Police ASP M P Dayaratne. Rear side of the bus was damaged, as the bus narrowly escaped the landmine attack, he added. The bus with SLA escort set off from Omanthai SLA checkpoint Sunday morning towards Black Bridge SLA checkpoint in Chenkalady, sources said.

The bus was carrying Amparai Political Head of the LTTE and other eastern political officials who were staying in Kilinochchi without transportation facilities for more than four weeks, LTTE sources said. The LTTE had earlier cancelled a transport with SLA escort as it received intelligence reports of a possible Claymore attack in Welikanda area, added LTTE sources in Kilinochchi. Liberation Tigers accuse the Sri Lanka armed forces of using paramilitaries working with them to target their top officials and cadres.

On 7th February 2005, Mr E Koushalyan, Political Head of the LTTE for the Batticaloa and Amparai districts, former TNA Member of parliament for the Amparai district Mr.Ariyanayagam Chandra Nehru, three other LTTE cadres, and the driver of the vehicle in which they were travelling towards Batticaloa, were shot and killed between Welikanda army camp and the Punnanai army camp, on the Pollonnorawa-Batticaloa road.Welikanda, bordering the Batticaloa and Polannaruwa districts is located around 65 km northwest of Batticaloa.

June 26, 2005

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June 26, 2005

LTTE Pottuvil office attacked
Three unidentified armed men entered Komari, Pottuvil political office of the LTTE around 4.30 pm Sunday and caused extensive damage to the office, LTTE sources in Komari said. The office is located in Akkaraipattu-Pottuvil main road in an SLA controlled area. There were no LTTE officials at the time of the attack, Mr Nilakaran, Udumpankoddam Political Co-ordinator told TamilNet.
The attackers ransacked the office and removed many important documents from the office, LTTE officials said.

Doors, windows and office tools were damaged by the attackers.

Komari is located 40 km south of Akkaraipattu in Amparai district.

June 26, 2005
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Sun, 26 Jun 2005
UNP rejects CBK’s offer to form Govt

President Chandrika Kumaratunga offered to form a coalition government with the United National Party giving it fifty per cent of the Cabinet portfolios but it was turned down.

The Sunday Times learns that thereafter she also made overtures to call upon Opposition and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to form a government on his own. This too did not get UNP approval.These overtures, it is learnt, came as her United People’s Freedom
Alliance (UPFA) collapsed due to the pullout by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). This came after she refused to heed calls by her Government's junior partner to drop moves to forge a Joint Mechanism or P-TOMS to share tsunami aid with Tiger guerrillas.

The first offer for a 50-50 Cabinet sharing coalition government, The Sunday Times learnt, was made on behalf of Kumaratunga by Finance Minister Sarath Amunugama to his friend and UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema. However, the move did not get the approval of Mr. Wickremesinghe.Thereafter, the offer to allow the UNP to form a government had been made by President Kumaratunga when she met former Minister and UNP stalwart Milinda Moragoda early this week. Mr. Moragoda had obtained his
leader's permission to go for the meeting and later reported on what was discussed.

Mr. Wickremesinghe is learnt to be of the view that the UNP is not keen to gain parliamentary power. Instead, its campaign is for the holding of Presidential elections before the end of this year. Towards this, the UNP has already planned a public street demonstration titled 'Jana Bala Meheyuma', due to begin from Matara on July 2.

Sun, 26 Jun 2005

Polls Chief puts off visit amid polls plan
The Government Printer’s Department has been placed under an Air Force guard while the Elections Commissioner has been instructed to call off a foreign visit and remain in the country. A squad of 25 airmen have been deployed to guard the Government Printer’s Department at Baseline Road, since Friday. On Thursday, a search was carried out by the security personnel of the Department before the SLAF guards were deployed.

The Sunday Times learns that the action has been taken to prevent any sabotage and the printing department staff has been told to be prepared to urgently undertake any printing. The department is already carrying out printing of election related material including instructions to officials conducting polls. Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake who was due to go on a two-day official visit to Pakistan has also been told to postpone his visit and remain in the country.Election Department sources confirmed that the proposed visit had been cancelled

Sun, 26 Jun 2005

Can JVP remain in Sri Lanka Parliament when they cease to be members
of UPFA?
The JVP did not contest the 2004 general election under its party symbol. June 25, Colombo: The future of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was raised in political circles today with the JVP crossing the floor of the House to sit with the Opposition.

Some argue in favor of the position taken by the TNA at the party leaders’ meeting with Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara and say that the JVP can neither claim seats in the Opposition nor can they ask the Speaker to consider them a different political party.

This argument is based on the fact that the JVP did not contest the 2004 general election under its party symbol but under the “Bulath Kole”, a symbol of the Freedom Alliance, which is a collection of several political parties.

They further point out that when a member of a particular political party crosses the floor of the House, the party concerned removes him from the political party from which he contested on the grounds that he violated party policies, and there begin legal battles for and against the decision of the party to sack the member on disciplinary grounds.

What then about the JVP leaving the UPFA, on whose ticket they contested? Can they continue to be Members of Parliament calling themselves MPs of the JVP, when they did not contest as JVP candidates at the 2004 general election?

Legal sources point out that the UPFA Secretary could bring this fact to the notice UPFA Executive Committee and follow the procedure to unseat them. Also, some argue that if the UPFA informs the Secretary General of the Parliament that the JVP Members are no longer MPs, the Secretary General then has to follow the due procedure with respect to these MPs.

All these are speculations that could come to surface if the UPFA gives further thought to the JVP Members’ crossing. The voters also have a right to petition the Supreme Court for “disrespecting their will” expressed at the time of voting. These voters supported the MPs as Members of the UPFA, and if they do not remain so, they would have to vacate their
seats, enabling the UPFA Secretary to fill the vacant seats with new MPs next in line on the basis of preference received.

Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew and International Cooperation Minister Aileen Carroll today welcomed the signing of the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure. This joint agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) will serve to facilitate the identification, approval and monitoring of reconstruction projects in selected districts of Sri Lanka’s north and east.

“We recognize the considerable challenges that the Government of Sri Lanka has faced in going ahead with this agreement and commend President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga for taking this bold step,” said Minister Pettigrew. “We also commend both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE for agreeing to include equitable Muslim representation in the
management of the structure. Canada hopes that, with the goodwill of all parties, an effective structure will foster an environment conducive to reinvigorating the stalled peace process.”

“This agreement will be an important step toward ensuring effective, equitable and transparent delivery of post-tsunami aid and will also expedite the recovery process in the north and east of Sri Lanka,” said Minister Carroll.

Minister Pettigrew also reiterated Canada’s concerns, however, about the political and human rights situation in Sri Lanka. “While this accord is a positive step, Canada remains gravely concerned about the escalating violence in Sri Lanka and urges both sides to rigorously respect the terms of the cease-fire agreement,” added the Minister. “We call on the
LTTE to immediately end its recruitment of child soldiers and to implement all the provisions of the 2003 action plan on this matter.”

When Prime Minister Paul Martin visited Sri Lanka in January, he pledged that Canada would help Sri Lanka rebuild after the disaster. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has announced a four-year strategy to support Sri Lanka’s post-tsunami reconstruction efforts. As part of the strategy, Canada will expand programming in three pre-tsunami sectors of focus (governance, gender and economic well-being) and in two new sectors (environmental rehabilitation and management, and fisheries). The Government of Canada has allocated $425 million toward relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction in tsunami-affected countries.

The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) and the National Unity Alliance (NUA) -- two coalition partners of the government -- yesterday accused the UPFA leadership of deceiving them about the contents of the P-TOMS (Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure) before presenting it to Parliament.

“The explanation given to us about the agreement differs from the contents of the agreement signed on Friday,” MEP leader and Minister Dinesh Gunawardene told The Sunday Times. He said the party’s central committee would decide over the weekend about the future role of the MEP in the UPFA government. “We were shocked when we realized that certain clauses in the agreement would be harmful to the sovereignty, security of the country and the people in the east,” Mr. Gunawardena explained.

He said that the issue of remaining in the government or not would also be decided by the central committee. NUA General Secretary Cegu Issadean said they were disappointed that the interests of their community had not been taken into account when finalizing the agreement. “We have asked for an immediate meeting with President Chandrika Kumaratunga to take up some assurances she gave us,” he said. Mr. Issadeen said that though the Muslim community was the worst affected by the tsunami it had been treated indifferently in the agreement. “We understand that President is acting under pressure from the international community and the LTTE,” he said. Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress also yesterday in a strong reaction condemned the agreement.

SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem called for an immediate review of the agreement claiming that the Muslims had been discriminated against. He said the SLMC would not take part in any of the committees, even if it was invited.

More than thousand students Saturday demonstrated in Chavakachcheri town, capital of Thenmaradchchi division in the Jaffna district condemning the activities of the Sinhala chauvinists against the legitimate aspirations of Tamil people, sources in Chavakachcheri said. Thenmaradchchi Students' Union organised the demonstration.

Students gathered in the center of Chavakachcheri town shouting slogans against the Sinhala chauvinism. Later they went in a procession along the Jaffna-Kandy highway and reached Chavakachcheri Hindu College in Sangathanai area where they burnt a pot symbolising the Sinhala chauvinism. The traffic through A9 highway was blocked for about half an hour.

Students continued their process from Chavakachcheri Hindu College to Sangathanai Kandasamy Kovil area where they dispersed. The Thenmaradchchi Students' Union at the conclusion issued a statement that the demonstration was organized to show the international community that the Sinhala chauvinist elements in the South are the stumbling
block in reaching a just and fair political solution to the Tamil national question.

Pottuvil fishermen march supporting aid deal

Around three hundred Muslim and Sinhalese fishermen gathered in Pasaraichenai at 10 am Saturday morning supporting the signing of aid deal and demanding speedy implemention of post-tsunami reconstruction in Pottuvil, sources said. Demonstrators demanded speedy delivery of compensation, rebuilding of houses damaged by the tsunami and called for change in the policy of 200 meter buffer zone adopted by the Government of Sri Lanka. The demonstrators marched from Pasaraichenai towards District Secretariat in Pottuvil town for four kilometres and submitted an appeal to Pottuvil Acting DS Mr N L Asmeer, sources said. The appeal was addressed to Ministry of Fisheries Autorities estimate that there are around 14258 refugees and at least 2179 houses were damaged in Pottuvil. Fifty-nine persons are still missing. 557 persons lost their lives in December 26 tsunami.

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The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has launched a massive fund raising campaign in France. Most of the campaigns are carried out in the main commercial areas for expatriate Tamils and Sinhalese living in France called Gare du Nord and La Chapelle.

In the Gare du Nord and La Chapelle areas, there are grocery shops, meat stalls, frozen fish shops, restaurants, bakeries, hair dressing saloons, textile shops, tailor shops, book shops, newspaper companies and video shops which are mostly managed by both Tamils and Sinhalese.

An estimated10,000 Sinhalese live in Paris and its suburbs and they come to these areas to buy their provisions. It is learnt that Sunday is a special day for JVP members in Paris. Every Sunday, members of the JVP come to La Chapelle in the afternoon and start their political business. A few JVP men and women stand in a row with their party newspapers at a particular junction. The others stand along the main streets chatting with their colleagues and collecting money and convincing them to joint the JVP overseas branches to get engaged in political activities in Europe.

Every September, the Communist Party in France has a festival known as "Fte de Humanity". In this festival, many foreign organisations based in France also put up their political stalls. For the last few years, the JVP has also held a stall in the Fete de Humanity. Whoever visits this stall is told that the JVP is the only revolutionary party in Sri Lanka and all other political parties are part of the bourgeoise, according to well informed sources from France.

Sources say when someone asks about the JVP's position on the political rights of the Tamils in the island, they simply say that the Tamils in Sri Lanka have no political grievances and it is a problem created by Tamil capitalists. Every year the JVP participates in the May Day procession organised by a well known trade union "CGT" in France. In the past, a maximum of 15 JVP members participated in this procession. Now this has increased to 20 - 25, sources said.

Senior Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) parliamentarians severely condemning the conduct of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in parliament on Friday said the Marxists lost the opportunity to learn about the facts of the joint mechanism proposals.

JVP members were vociferous on Friday when the leader of the House Maithripala Sirisena was on his feet to present the joint mechanism proposals to parliament. The JVP went on disrupting the House which led to the Speaker adjourning the House till July 5. Speaking to The Sunday Leader of the conduct of the JVP, Chief Government Whip and Consumer Affairs Minister, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle told The Sunday Leader it was an unfortunate situation that the JVP opposed the
joint mechanism in parliament.

He further said the government expected constructive criticism for the joint mechanism from the JVP and other opposing parties and they could have used this opportunity to express their views and suggestions and provide any constructive criticism which could had been accommodated.

However, Fernandopulle believed that the reconstruction work could be carried out effectively in the north and east despite opposition from the south. "The government is confident that the opposition for the joint mechanism in the south would not directly or indirectly affect the reconstruction work in the north and east and it would go ahead as planned," Fernandopulle said.

Environmental Minister, A. H. M. Fowzie told The Sunday Leader the JVP should act more responsibly in parliament as a political party. "The behaviour of the JVP is totally irresponsible. Though the JVP opposed the joint mechanism they could have given the opportunity for other parliamentarians to express their views and vote for the proposal," Fowzie said.

Fowzie also expressed dissatisfaction over the JVP opposing the joint mechanism despite measures taken by the government to agree on the JVP demands about the joint mechanism. The Deputy Ministers Forum Chairman, Dilan Perera condemned the JVP for disrupting the parliamentary sessions and not allowing the government to table the proposed joint mechanism proposals after the JVP itself demanded the proposal be submitted to parliament.

"The JVP has no reason to oppose this document. They are the ones who demanded for the document to be presented in parliament alleging that the government was hiding its contents from the public," said Perera. Perera warned, the JVP should not consider the kindness of the Deputy Ministers' Forum (DMF), as its weakness.

"We are patiently watching the JVP's actions against President Kumaratunga and the government. But we are not going to tolerate any more. We will launch a counter-campaign against the Marxists soon," he warned. Meanwhile, Samurdi Deputy Minister, Jagath Pushpakumara told The Sunday Leader that the Deputy Ministers' Forum in its last meeting decided to watch the reactions of the JVP against the President and the government for a period of two weeks and then come to a conclusion as to what steps the forum should take against the JVP.

"We do not want to carry out any retaliation campaign against the JVP since we had an alliance with them. However, the Deputy Ministers' Forum cannot keep quiet for ever," Pushpakumara stressed.

Leaders of the business community have welcomed the government's decision to sign the joint mechanism with the LTTE.

They said prolonging this issue without signing the mechanism would have cost the country a fortune. They added there would be political and economic instability in the country and the people would be additionally burdened if the government
did not sign the joint mechanism soon.

Speaking to The Sunday Leader Chairman, Business Chamber of Commerce, Shabir Golam Hussein said, "what this country needs is to move forward with the peace process and economic development." Chairman, Ceylon National Chamber of Industries, Nimal Perera explained that these disruptions in the country will definitely discourage foreign investors.

"Even Sri Lankan investors are now taking their business investments out of the country," said Perera. Vice President, Fitch Holdings Ltd., Dinesh Warusavitharana said any foreign investor looking at a country to invest would look always at the
stability of the country.

MoU not a betrayal - Asgiriya Maha Vihara Chief Secretary by L. B. Wijayasiri in Kandy

The Chief Secretary to Asgiriya Maha Vihara Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya Ven. Professor Warakawe Dhammaloka Nayaka Thera was of the view that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga being a Sinhala Buddhist would never take steps to betray the nation by paving the way for the division of the country.

Ven. Professor Dhammaloka Thera commenting on the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on the establishment of Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure, told the Sunday Observer that the document in question would not create a situation in which the country would be divided by giving legal recognition to the LTTE as some were claiming.
President Kumaratunga had made Most Ven. Mahanayake Theras aware of the particular document. She would never betray the nation.

The MoU signed with the LTTE was a document relating to the making of arrangements to utilise funds allocated for the reconstruction of tsunami-affected areas in the North and East. The arrangement was only limited to one or two years. There was no reason whatsoever to panic over this issue. It was purely an administrative matter.

It did not give any recognition to the LTTE as some sections claimed. On the contrary, the LTTE has recognised the legitimacy of the legally and democratically elected Government added Ven. Prof. Dhammaloka Thera

Military victory beyond reach

The international community that aided and abetted Colombo in prosecuting a war with the LTTE realised by the turn of the 21st century that the Sri Lankan forces were incapable of achieving a military solution against the LTTE. The series of defeats suffered in the Wanni during Operation Unceasing Waves, the successful military strikes in the peninsula
including the fall of Elephant Pass, the siege of Jaffna, the defeat of the state's much flaunted counter - offensive, Operation Agnikheela etc., demonstrated that a military victory was beyond the reach of Colombo.

It was then that the Western nations and Japan began actively promoting the peace process. Earlier it was lukewarm support on the one hand for peace while bankrolling South Asia's longest war on the other. It was decided that the only way out was to promote a political settlement during the course of which the Tigers would be 'contained' in a state of
non-combat. It was perceived that the longer the Tigers kept away from fighting, the greater their chances of dissipation, dissension and decay. It was correctly surmised that internal revolts and defections will occur. These were partly proved right in the form of Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias 'Col' Karuna.

Unfortunately for the 'West' the xenophobic Sinhala chauvinists were unable to realise that the peace process was being mooted and promoted for their own good. The idea was not to split Sri Lanka but to ensure the fractured island's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity albeit in a federal system. The West was also prepared to let the LTTE enjoy
some 'extra-constitutional' power in the process. The main idea was to keep the Tigers quiet and away from the battlefront. The West was ready to tolerate many human rights violations including the killing of political dissidents and conscription of minors by the Tigers as long as they did not start fighting with the Sri Lankan state. Of course some
token protests were raised but they were for the most part, token.

India’s Congress party crown prince seen stepping into limelight by Penny MacRae

NEW DELHI, (AFP) -Large signboards bearing garishly painted portraits of Rahul Gandhi, scion of India’s famed Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty, are already springing up in the capital. Gandhi — whose great-grandfather Jawaharlal Nehru, grandmother Indira Gandhi and father Rajiv Gandhi were all prime ministers — has had a low key first year as Congress MP following the party’s surprise victory in May 2004. But that is seen as soon to change.

Expectations are high that the clean-cut 36-year-old, who bears an uncanny resemblance to his slain father, will be given a prominent party role that could pave the way for him to one day lead Congress. "It certainly looks as if Congress is preparing to launch him in a big way," said Neerja Chowdhury, political editor at the Indian Express.

"It seems as if he’s going to follow the same route as his father and become party general secretary. It’s going to come sooner rather than later." Speculation about Rahul being named Congress general secretary mounted Thursday with media reports that the current holder of the post would be appointed to the cabinet in a shuffle expected early next month.

Ever since Rahul’s mother, Congress President Sonia Gandhi, stunned India by rejecting the premier’s job after spearheading the party’s win, "Congress has been looking for another Nehru-Gandhi to keep them in power", Chowdhury said.

The tragedy-scarred family’s charisma is so strong that after Rajiv was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1991 the party drafted his Italian-born widow, Sonia, to lead Congress.Rahul’s appointment as general secretary would mark a significant shift — he has been studiously keeping his head down since his election from his father’s old constituency of Amethi in northern Uttar Pradesh state last year.

His profile has been so low that newspapers have asked whether he is a "reluctant politician" like his father. Rajiv was an airline pilot who had to be coaxed into joining politics after the death in a flying accident in 1980 of his brother, who was being groomed by Indira Gandhi as her political heir. Chowdhury, however, said "He (Rahul) made up his mind to go into politics. He would surely have known what that entails and the expectations the party would have of him — I think he could well grow into the role."

The opposition Hindu nationalists who Congress turfed from power have denounced what they call the party’s "dynastic politics" but analysts say it would be unrealistic to expect Congress not to seek to exploit the Gandhi name. Still, analysts say Rahul will have to prove himself for Congress to successfully project him as leadership material. He has only delivered one speech so far in parliament — on the plight of sugarcane farmers. "Whether he’s seen as a leader depends on how he grows — he’s still a debutant in politics," said Inder Malhotra, a biographer of Rahul’s grandmother Indira Gandhi.

However, Rahul has shown he has crowd appeal even without opening his mouth.

Frenzied villagers from his Amethi constituency swarmed onto rooftops to shower his car with rose petals and marigolds during last year’s election. Pundits had always reckoned Rahul’s younger sister, Priyanka, who has a gift for connecting with voters and whose strong features and ramrod bearing make her look like her grandmother, Indira, would enter politics.

Rahul was seen as having no political inclinations. But Priyanka, a mother of two young children, said last year the family held a conference and decided Rahul would enter politics. Party officials say Rahul is taking things slowly while he learns the ropes and his low profile should not be seen as hesitation to tackle bigger roles.He has assiduously tended to his Amethi constituency. "My priority is to learn exactly what my people want," he said last month. "The biggest problem in politics is the distance between the common man and political leader. If a politician is not abreast of the demands of his electorate, it’s the biggest risk he takes," he said.

"Amethi is a learning place for me. In future perhaps I’ll go to other places too."

Signing P-TOMS a sinful act by Govt., says JVP
The JVP spelling out details as to why it opposed the P-TOMS agreement said that they were not clear as to who would be implementing the proposed agreement and were also opposed to multilateral agencies playing a role in controlling the funds.

“This agreement between Chandrika and Prabhakaran is an irresponsible and bogus agreement. It does not indicate who will be in charge of implementing it. It is a piece of paper without an owner. We don’t even know who has signed it. We had information that the document will be signed during the debate, that is why I asked at the beginning whether it has
been signed or not”, JVP parliamentary leader Wimal Weerawansa said. He said as there appeared to be no responsible answer the JVP was forced to protest leading to the chaotic scenes in the Chambers.

“This is not second to the CFA signed by Ranil and Prabhakaran. This is another move to give legitimacy to the LTTE claim for a separate state”, Mr. Weerawansa said. “Clause 2 (f) of the agreement says that the CFA shall continue in full
force and effect and nothing in this MOU shall be construed to prejudice or alter its terms in anyway. This is in contradiction to the MOU signed between the SLFP and the JVP where we agreed to change the shortcomings in the CFA”, he said. “There is a provision in 3 (b) for the parties by consensus to have the option to extend this MOU for an additional period or periods”, Mr. Weerawansa pointed out.

“The LTTE has got five representatives in the regional body while the GOSL has two and Muslims have three but the LTTE will have their nominee as the Chairman while the Government person will be the Deputy. Can any self-respecting government nominees sit in a committee headed by an LTTE member”, he asked.

“The Muslims are the only ethnic group that has a representation while it is assumed that the LTTE will represent the Tamils and the GOSL the Sinhalese. This is what the LTTE wants to show that the GOSL only represents the Sinhalese”, Mr. Weerawansa said. “There is a reference to the multi-lateral agency to be the custodian of the regional fund while the Finance Ministry or the Treasury has no role in it. This is a violation of the Constitution”, he said.

“There is also room for multi-lateral donor representatives. This is to hand out the sovereignty of the country, especially the north and east to foreign agencies”, he said. “It is a black day in the history of this country. This has proved that
our decision to quit the government was the correct decision. If we were a part of the government when this sinful act took place, there would have been no escape for us. It is unfortunate that we had to live through the times when two of the greatest betrayals of the country took place – the CFA and the JM”, Mr. Weerawansa added.

UNP on P-TOMS: Where is Sinhala representation?
The United National Party (UNP) said clear provision should be made for the representation of the Sinhalese Community in the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) and that the present constitution of the Committees in the structure was unacceptable.

“Since the Government is not obliged to nominate a member of the Sinhalese community to the high level committee, there could well be a situation in which the Sinhalese community goes unrepresented. We think this is unacceptable,” the UNP said in a statement by party spokesman G.L. Peiris. The problem is even more acute in respect of the composition of the
Regional Committee where the principle relating to objection by a dissenting minority could lead to the exclusion of Sinhalese representation,” he said.

The UNP said there was an anomaly with regard to the composition of the Regional Committee as envisaged by section 6 of the document. Section 6 (c) makes it clear that the Chairperson of the Regional committee will be a member of the LTTE, while the Deputy Chairpersons are nominees of the government of Sri Lanka and the Muslim parties. As in previous
agreements, provision should be made for representatives to be nominated by the Government of Sri Lanka but not to function as Deputy Chairmen. The latter provision entails an unacceptable relegation of the status of the government of Sri Lanka.

Prof. Peiris said the territorial areas within which the P-TOMS agreement was to operate were enveloped in some degree of doubt and this was attributable to the wording used in Section 2 of the document entitled “Scope”. He said “Section 2(b) declares that “The Tsunami Disaster Zone (the TDZ) shall be defined as an area affected by the tsunami.” This is
followed immediately by Section 2 (c) with the provision that the TDZ shall include all that tsunami affected land area of Sri Lanka which is adjacent to the sea lying within a limit of 2 kilometres landwards from the mean low water line. This is an inclusive, as distinguished from an exhaustive definition. It would therefore seem that the TDZ could, in keeping with the definition embedded in this document extend beyond the limit of 2 kilometres. This requires clarification.

There is no scope accorded in the document to the principle of subsidiary which in our opinion is critical for good governance. The thinking of the UNP in respect of all aspects of delivery of tsunami relief and indeed the ramifications of the larger peace process entails a sharp focus on the responsibilities of local government authorities, operating as they do in close proximity to the needs and aspirations of the people of the affected areas. The omission in this regard prevents grass roots participation in the making and implementing of decisions. This cannot but affect adversely the practical functioning of the mechanism.

“In our view, a material omission in the document consists of the absence of any reference to the “Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement” ( also known as the Deng principles) This forms an essential part of the core principles applicable to the functions of the structures established by the document and the deletion of these principles therefore constitutes a significant deficiency”.Prof Peiris said with the establishment of the structure contained in the P-Toms document TAFREN becomes superfluous.

“We’re not convinced that in view of the supervening changes effected by this document, there is any longer adequate justification for incurring the substantial overhead expenses of TAFREN”, he said.

Muslims get second class treatment in regional structure - Feriel By Chandani Kirinde
National Unity Alliance Leader and Housing and Construction Minister Feriel Ashraff – one of the main Muslim representatives in the UPFA government – spoke to The Sunday Times a day before the signing of the controversial Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure. In her interview she said that even though she would have liked to see the Muslim community enjoy equal status in the composition of the Structure. Mrs. Ashraff said she believed in staying with the government and exerting pressure from within and said Muslim leaders in the government and opposition should work harder for the desired results.

Here are excerpts of the interview:What is the position of the Joint Mechanism or P-TOMS? The JM is not something the people in the East especially the Muslims whom I represent or the Sinhalese are asking for. But since it is necessary to get the LTTE involved in the rebuilding process and as we are also interested in the peace process, we believe the LTTE should get involved in relief activities with the government to make it easier to arrive at some kind of a common understanding. At the same time we also have to insist that Muslims aspirations are catered to as well.

To what extent have those aspirations of the Muslims been accommodated in the JM? Not having seen this document, I am unable to comment on its details but from the little that has been told us we are happy to note that the President has managed to bring the Muslim factor onto the apex body. When we look back to the time the CFA agreement was signed, there was no mention of the Muslim community or the aspirations of the Muslims except for the fact that we existed in those areas as another group. When you compare that with the JM, I think it’s a big step forward. We have been brought in as a community onto the apex body. But we would definitely have wanted to enjoy the same status throughout the P-TOMS. We were disappointed to find that in the regional structure we have been reduced to a minority and though we don’t know the details of the responsibilities or its operations, we would have preferred to be an equal stakeholder
in the regional body as well because it has been given to us in the apex body.

Have you had the chance to raise these concerns with the President? Yes, very much so during several rounds of talks. The Ministers, the Deputy Ministers and I have stood together and have spoken in one voice and we have made it very clear to Her Excellency about these concerns of ours. The unfortunate part is that those who have listened to our
concerns, have admitted these to be very justifiable, but as the old adage goes “operation successful, patient dies”. It is regrettable to be in a situation where even though we convince those to whom we address our concerns the results have been much less than ideal or perfect.

As the main party representing the Muslim community in Government, what sort of pressure have you exerted on the government and are you satisfied with the results you have achieved? I have to admit that whenever I had talks with the President I was never discouraged because in her I found somebody who clearly understood the concerns and aspirations of the Muslims. Since my husband (Late leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress A.H.M. Ashraff) had been working
pretty closely with her and she had been made aware of these concerns. But in the present situation we are not the only party in talks with the government. There is also another party involved. Of course I strongly believe that the pressure we have been able to exert on the government has not been good enough and this just goes to show that Muslim leaders
have to work much harder still to get the desired results.

Have the different Muslim parties come forward with a common proposal on how to deal with the situation and have you discussed the JM with SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem? The concerns of the SLMC, we find, are very similar to ours but it is
very sad to note that in the present political culture of ours, we still tend to put politics before everything else. While on the one hand I am very happy to note that all the Muslim Ministers and Deputies belonging to various factions came together to speak in one voice, it is very sad we did not get the desired support we expected from Mr. Hakeem. I would
like to remind the readers about the CFA agreement and the beginning of the peace talks at which point of time we came down pretty hard on the government about leaving out the concerns of the Muslims even though Mr.Hakeem at the time was an important partner of the government and supported the CFA document without looking far ahead. Even then and having been critical of Mr. Hakeem in parliament and outside, we continued to work as the Eastern Province Muslim Parliamentarians Forum. But I think once again the SLMC is giving greater importance to its political strategies and has let down the people.

Is it all right with you if the document is signed without your having seen it? I don’t think it is right at all to go ahead and sign a document without even having the possibility of going though it. But unfortunately Sri Lanka has set a precedence so I only hope and pray that the government in which I am also a party will not repeat something of that kind because we do place a lot of confidence in the President with regard to minorities.

What are the problems faced in the East by Muslims in particular in relation to the post-tsunami era? Muslims have not suddenly woken up and started talking about post-tsunami re construction. We have been airing our views and fears on the way things have been conducted from the beginning of the ethnic strife. I presume God gave us the right to be equal partners by making us as the people most affected by the tsunami and when we are let down like this we tend to fear for the future of Muslims living in the north and east.

Can you elaborate those fears you entertain? We just don’t want to be treated as a group of second-class citizens in
any administrative structure. Although we keep talking of peace and we want the LTTE to accept a new thinking, we cannot deny the fact that we entertain fears when we talk of the LTTE. When I say fears I mean in all possible forms. So when we have to go into a working arrangement with the LTTE, we would always like to be equal partners even if that may
not solve the problems, at least we may have some kind of confidence when walking into some such arrangement.

The JVP has taken a bold step and left the government. Are you anticipating in this kind of threatening action as well?
I sincerely believe I don’t have the strength to threaten governments and so on and anyway I didn’t think I would want Sri Lanka to continue with this kind of politics. Maybe there would have been a time when these kinds of threats would have helped people but now we have found that in the long run, it has not helped Sri Lanka as a whole. So I would try my level best to refrain from that kind of politics.

If the JM is signed without your seeing it, are you planning any action in return? We are definitely interested in going through with the whole thing. Then of course our strategies may have to change with the implementation aspect and see how we could get the best for our people. We will continue to work on this and get the support of all concerned.

Will it all be from within the government? I don’t believe in leaving the ship at this point of time. One runs away from the whole issue and then what. The usual thing is we get tired of a government and for the past four years or so we have been trying out a government every year but has it solved any of our problems. It has not been a pleasant exercise because I am also responsible to those who voted me. We should remain wherever we are and be able to exert pressure. Maybe in time to come we would be able to get better support from the Sri Lankan people as a whole for the Muslim cause instead of Muslims fighting for the Muslim cause.

Is there any possibility for a future alliance between NUA and the SLMC? I sincerely believe that all factions should put personal differences aside and start working together. We have not been issuing invitations to everyone to come and join us or come under our wing. We can have our differences but the beauty of it should be our ability to rise above these when the need arises. Let this be a good beginning for the Muslims of Sri Lanka.

NEW DELHI: India has put its seal of approval on the Sri Lankan government signing a controversial tsunami aid deal with the LTTE.

The Norwegian deputy foreign minister, Vidar Helgeson, returning from Sri Lanka, met foreign secretary Shyam Saran on Friday to explain the contours of the deal. The MEA spokesperson said later: "We had conveyed our understanding of and support to her (Chandrika Kumaratunga's) efforts to devise a mechanism by which relief could be channelised to the victims of the tsunami. Considering the scale and tragedy, it is important that the relief is made available to all victims regardless of their religion or ethnicity.

As far as India is concerned, we will continue to provide assistance and a number of bilateral projects are under discussion in the infrastructure, health and sharing of technical expertise." Foreign minister Natwar Singh's. visit to Norway last week was also an opportunity for the facilitators and India to confer on the details of the Sri Lanka deal.

Amid mounting anger from Marxists and Buddhists in Sri Lanka, Chandrika Kumaratunga's government signed the USD 3 billion aid deal with the LTTE on Friday, which will bring the warring sides face to face to administer relief and rehabilitation to the affected in one of the worst tragedies in its history.

The Norwegian ambassador to Sri Lanka, Hans Brattskar, took the document signed by the Sri Lankan government in a special Air Force plane to Kilinochchi where it was signed by the LTTE. The significance of the deal, Helgeson told reporters here, was that the two parties had agreed to cooperate for the first time after the 2002 ceasefire agreement. Helgeson clarified that though the Muslim community was not a signatory to the agreement, it would have separate representation in the joint mechanism at all levels. "The deal deserves praise and funding," Helgeson said. However, he was quick to clarify that this deal would not serve as a template for future arrangements.

The Sri Lanka government will clearly have a lot of convincing to do on this score, particularly with a fractious government, where Kumaratunga's coalition ally, JVP, has already walked out of the government. However, there are already indications that she might be able to ride over the political storm, particularly with opposition UNP backing the joint mechanism.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005
JVP to take legal action against Joint Mechanism

The angry JVP today warned that it has decided to take legal action against the Joint Mechanism agreement, as it claims it was signed in violation of the Constitution. Speaking at a press conference at the Parliamentary Complex today, JVP MP Wimal Weerawansa said, “The P-TOMS has been introduced by a group of NGOs and foreign countries and it is an extension of the Ceasefire Agreement signed on 22nd February, 2002.”

He also said the JVP cannot allow the country “to be sold for 45 billion dollars” to the World Bank and countries that have come forward to provide financial assistance.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005
Annan welcomes Sri Lanka 's tsunami aid management accord

U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan hailed Sri Lanka - 's tsunami aid management accord on Friday, saying, ''This is an important day for the many tsunami-affected families and communities in the country.'' The U.N. chief also expressed hope that ''the agreement will help place Sri Lanka - on the road to full recovery from this unparalleled tragedy.''

Nearly 40,000 people were killed and property and infrastructure damaged by the quake-induced tsunami, which hit three-fourths of Sri Lanka - 's coast.

Full text of P-TOMS agreement Fri, 24 Jun 2005

Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure(P-TOMS).

Preamble WHEREAS the tsunami that struck Sri Lanka on December 26, 2004 (the "tsunami") destroyed human lives and property on an unprecedented scale; WHEREAS there is an urgent need for all communities, Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and others, to cooperate on humanitarian grounds in the face of this common adversity; WHEREAS the equitable allocation of post-tsunami funds to all parts of Sri Lanka struck by the tsunami will be based on accepted needs assessments;

WHEREAS in recognition of this urgent humanitarian need and in a spirit of partnership, the Government of Sri Lanka (the "GOSL”) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (the "LTTE") (the "Parties") have resolved to work together, in good faith and using their best efforts, to deliver expeditious relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development to the coastal communities in the six districts of Ampara, Battica!oa, Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee (the Six Districts") and to' facilitate and expedite the process of rebuilding the affected areas;

WHEREAS there is a need for establishing P-TOMS to facilitate such cooperation among communities, and between the Parties;

NOW, THEREFORE, in consideration of the foregoing the Parties have entered into this MOU and agreed as follows:

1. Structure
a. An integrated operational management structure shall be established for the purpose of planning, implementing and coordinating post tsunami work. Such structure shall consist of:

i. The Post-Tsunami Coastal Reconstruction Committee (the "High-Level Committee");

ii. The Post-Tsunami Coastal Reconstruction Committee for the Six Districts (the "Regional Committee"); and

iii. Post-Tsunami Coastal Reconstruction Committees for each of the Ampara, Batticaloa, Jaffna, Kilinochchl, Mullaitivu, and Trincomalee districts (the "District Committees").

b. The High Level Committee, the Regional Committee and the District Committees 'shall discharge of their functions in such a manner as to address the concerns of all persons in the Tsunami Disaster Zone (the "TDZ", as defined below) and shall do so without discrimination against any person on grounds such as ethnic origin, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, social origin, birth or other status.

2. Scope
a. The scope of the High-Level Committee, the Regional Committee, and the District Committees shall be limited to performing the functions defined in Sections 5(b), 6(b), and 8(b), respectively, and having effect exclusively within the TDZ (as defined below), as further specified by Section 6(a) in the case of the Regional Committee and by Section 8(a) in the case of the District Committees.
b. The Tsunami Disaster Zone (the "TDZ") shall be defined as the area affected by the tsunami.

c. The TDZ shall include all that tsunami-affected land area of Sri Lanka which is adjacent to the sea, lying within a limit of 2 kilometres landwards from the mean low water line.
d. The High-Level Committee may decide to bring additional land areas within the TDZ; provided, however, that all such land areas must have been directly impacted by the tsunami or directly affected by the displacement and resettlement of persons as a result of the tsunami.

e. New proposals for measures to be adopted in, or affecting the coastal areas covered by seawater shall be undertaken under the aegis of an international agency. Such proposals might include measures to recover material lost to the sea during the tsunami, the cleaning up of shores and beaches affected, even when covered by seawater, and the repairing and construction of jetties or commercial fisheries harbours affected by the tsunami.
f. The Ceasefire Agreement, dated as of 23 February 2002, between the GOSL and the LTTE, shall continue in full force and effect, and nothing in this MOU shall be construed to prejudice such agreement or alter its terms in any way.

3. Period of Operation
a. This MOU shall enter into force from the date it is executed by both Parties (the "Commencement Date") and continue in operation for a period of one year from the Commencement Date.
b. The Parties shall by consensus have the option to extend this MOU for an additional period or periods.

4. Cost and Expenses
The donors shall be requested to cover all costs and expenses incurred relating to the establishment and functioning of the P-TOMS.

5. High-Level Committee
a. Geographic Scope. The High-Level Committee shall act exclusively in relation to the TDZ.
b. Functions. The High-Level Committee shall perform the following functions:
i. Formulation of policies for the equitable allocation and disbursement of donor funds in the TDZ based on needs assessments submitted to the High-Level Committee, guided by the principle that funds should be allocated in proportion to the number of affected persons and the extent of damage;
ii. Provision of advisory services; and
iii. Monitoring of the functioning of P-TOMS;
c. Composition. The High-Level Committee shall consist of the following members:
i. 1 nominee by GOSL;
ii. 1 nominee by LTTE; and
iii. 1 nominee by Muslim parties.
d. Alternates. Each nominating party shall designate one alternate who will be authorized to attend meetings and act on behalf of the member only in the event he or she is unable to attend due to illness, necessary travel or other exigent circumstances.
e. Chairperson. The High-Level Committee shall select one of the members of the High-Level Committee to serve as the chairperson to conduct and coordinate its meetings. The role of the chair shall rotate among the members with each chairperson serving for two months.
f. Observers. The High-Level Committee shall have one observer representing multilateral donors and one observer representing bilateral donors attend its meetings. The observers shall be nominated by the multilateral donor community and the bilateral donor community, respectively.
g. Decision Making. .
i. The High-Level Committee shall strive to make decisions based on consensus. All members shall work together in good faith and use their best efforts to reach a common agreement before the High-Level Committee makes any decisions.
ii. In the event that consensus cannot be reached the members shall immediately enter into an extensive consultation procedure with their nominating parties and the donor community with the aim to reach an agreement and to ensure continued cooperation in the High-Level Committee.
iii. In the event that consensus can still not be reached the nominating parties may after having followed the consultation procedure laid down in Section 5(g. i and ii) and after having given 14 days notice, suspend the cooperation in the High-Level Committee.
h. Location. The High-Level Committee shall be located in Colombo.
i. Procedures. The High-Level Committee shall determine its own procedures for the discharge of its functions.
j. Servicing Secretariat. The High-Level Committee shall establish a small independent secretariat with adequate staff.

6. Regional Committee
a. Geographic Scope. The Regional Committee shall act exclusively within those areas of the TDZ in the Six Districts.
b. Functions. The Regional Committee shall perform the following functions:
i. Development of strategies for implementation and prioritization of post-tsunami emergency relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development measures;
ii. Project approval and management with respect to projects for post-tsunami relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development;
iii. Overall monitoring of projects; and
iv. Fund management, with respect to the fund specifically defined in Section 7.
c. Composition. The Regional Committee shall consist of the following members:
i. 2 members nominated by GOSL, out of which one will serve as Deputy Chairperson;
ii. 5 members nominated by LTTE, out of which one will serve as Chairperson;
iii. 3 members nominated by the Muslim parties, out of which one will serve as Deputy Chairperson;
iv. The Regional Committee shall have a proper gender balance.
d. Observers. The Regional Committee shall have one observer representing multilateral donors and one observer representing bilateral, donors attend its meetings. The observers shall be nominated by the multilateral donor community and the bilateral donor community, respectively. Other observers may be invited to attend the meetings of the Regional Committee.
e. Decision Making.
i. The, Regional Committee shall strive to make decisions based on consensus. All members shall work together in good faith and use their best efforts to reach a common agreement before the Regional Committee makes any decisions.
ii. In the event that consensus cannot be reached, decisions shall be made by a simple majority of the Regional Committee. In the event of equality of votes, the Chairperson can exercise a casting vote.
iii. Not withstanding paragraph iv below, in the event that a decision is taken on an issue having an adverse effect on a minority group, acknowledged by at least two members of the Regional Committee, approval will require two thirds majority (seven members) of the Regional Committee.
iv. In the event that a proposal from a District Committee does not get a simple majority in the Regional Committee and at least two members of the Regional Committee request redressing of the decision relating to the proposal, the rejection will require two thirds majority (seven members) of the Regional Committee.
f. Location. The Regional Committee shall be located in Kilinochchi.
g. Procedures. The Regional Committee, in consultation with the High Level Committee shall determine the procedures for the discharge of its functions.
h. Servicing Secretariat. A small Secretariat for the Six Districts shall be set up and may draw staff from the Secretariat for Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs (SIHRN). The Secretariat shall be named as the Regional Secretariat for Post-tsunami Coastal Reconstruction and Development (RSPCRD), and shall provide secretarial and administrative services to the Regional Committee .
i. Project Management Unit. A Project Management Unit (the "PMU") shall be established to manage the projects approved by the Regional Committee.
j. Accounting. The Regional Committee shall appoint a suitably qualified, independent accountant.

7. Regional Fund
a. There shall be a Post-Tsunami Coastal Fund for the Six Districts (the "Regional Fund"), consisting of unspecified (program) and secretariat funds. The unspecified (program) funds shall consist exclusively of foreign funds while the secretariat funds shall consist of both foreign and local funds.
b. The Parties shall appoint a suitable multilateral agency to be the Custodian of the Regional Fund.
c. The purpose of the Regional Fund shall be to expeditiously make available funds, following proper approved procedures, to facilitate and accelerate the relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development program in the tsunami-affected areas of the Six Districts.
d. The Parties and the Custodian shall agree on a mechanism for the establishment and operation of the Regional Fund.

8. District Committees
a. Geographic Scope. Each District Committee shall act exclusively in relation to those areas of the TDZ within its district.
b. Functions. Each District Committee shall perform the following functions within its district
i. Identification of needs;
ii. Prioritization of needs;
iii. To generate, receive, appraise and prioritize project proposals from various stakeholders and submit recommendations to the Regional Committee; and
iv. To monitor and report on project progress to' the Regional Committee.
c. Composition and Decision Making. The Districts Committees, already established and well-functioning, shall continue their work. The District Committees may further discuss and decide on issues relating to their composition and decision-making. Adequate Muslim representation shall be ensured. The District Committee shall also have a proper gender balance.
d. Location. Each District Committee shall be located within its district.
e. Servicing Secretariat. A small Servicing Secretariat shall provide secretarial and administrative services to the District Committees.

9. Execution
This MOU may be executed in duplicate, both texts being equally authentic

The political circus, complete with acrobats, jugglers, clowns and illusionists continue on a single theme that is the P-TOMS, oblivious to the pressing problems of the people such as the skyrocketing cost of living and the no-go, stagnant situation in the country. The people witnessing this spectacle can only keep guessing what kind of trick the ringmaster or, in this occasion the ringmistress, can pull out before the final curtain falls.

The week began with all eyes focused on the P-TOMS as Norway’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen arrived in the country. His arrival meant that the government and the LTTE had reached finality on the document. Although the Muslim politicians expressed concern about representation at the regional committee, the Norwegians knew well that changes could not be made to it. After holding discussions in Colombo Helgesen flew to Kilinochchi and met LTTE Peace Secretariat head S.P. Thamilselvan. The signal from the LTTE was that they were awaiting the government to sign the document for them to sign it. The concern of the LTTE, more than signing the document, had been whether it would be properly implemented.

The government finally tabled the P-TOMS document in parliament, throwing it into turmoil yesterday morning with the JVP protesting inside the chamber and not allowing the debate on the P-TOMS to proceed. It could have been a concerted move by the JVP to prevent the debate for which an entire day had been allocated, since the JVP was against bringing the P-TOMS to parliament in the first place. The JVP indicated this to several prominent government members before it left the UPFA.

It was more or less a home-home battle in Parliament, with the PA and JVP members arguing and abusing each other while the usual target, which is the UNP and the TNA, were looking on unperturbed. The JVP MPs led by Wimal Weerawansa came down to the aisle waving black flags and disturbing House Leader Maithripala Sirisena’s speech after tabling the P-TOMs. Wimal Weerawansa even tore a copy of the P-TOMS and threw it at Sirisena as SLFP members formed a protective ring around him.

While the JVP MPs were protesting inside parliament, members of its trade unions and university student unions protested on the road leading to parliament. They were not able to penetrate the security net laid around parliament in anticipation of such protests. The protestors too, not amounting to many, were dispersed by police with the firing of tear gas without causing much trouble. Although the JVP backed anti P-TOMS protest turned out to be a poor show, the government was expecting something big and even made arrangements to air-lift Ministers to parliament by helicopter. Several Air Force helicopters were in fact kept ready for the purpose on Friday morning at the Army grounds and the Racecourse grounds, although the need did not arise. However, caught in the middle of the protest and the Police teargas attack was the most unlikely person to be there – UNP’s Dr. Jayalath Jayawardana, who was on his way to parliament.

Security in the city too was beefed up from Thursday as the date for signing the P-TOMS drew nearer. Armed soldiers were deployed at most of the junctions and along main roads leading to Colombo city. The Police too was put on alert to prevent any unruly situation that might breakout. The Police riot squad was also put on alert. Extra policemen were deployed around key government institutions.

On Thursday, rumours were afloat that the government had signed the P-TOMS. Rumour mongers were having a field day with even JHU MP Ellawala Medhananda Thera telling parliament that he had come to know that the P-TOMS had been signed. As pledged, President Kumaratunga visited Kandy on Thursday and discussed the document with the Mahanayaka Theras. Asgiriya Mahanayaka Thera, Venerable Udugama Sri Buddharakkitha Thera even went to the extent of recording his support, saying that it does not harm the sovereignty of the nation. The Ven. Udugama Sri Buddharakkita Thera has been quite outspoken in his support for the peace process from the time former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe signed the ceasefire agreement. He even ran into trouble with the extremist and chauvinistic sections of the Buddhist clergy and the laity at that time when he said that he was not against lifting the ban on the LTTE if it helped bring about a settlement. Malwatta Mahanayaka Thera, Venerable Tibbotuwawe Siddhartha Sumangala Thera too is known to be liberal on his views regarding the peace process.

The Mahanayaka Theras seem to be a good representation of the silent majority of Sinhala Buddhists who are not extremists and prefer a negotiated settlement that would not harm the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the nation. The prudence shown by the Mahanayaka Theras is most commendable. It shows that a rational and moderate stand by the Mahanayaka Theras can overshadow the politically motivated extremist stands taken by a section of the monks who are actively engaged in JVP politics or with the JHU.

On Friday morning, as scheduled, the government signed the document after Maithripala Sirisena tabled it in Parliament. From the government side, Secretary to the Ministry of Rehabilitation, Reconstruction and Resettlement, M.S. Jayasinghe signed the document. It was then taken to Kilinochchi by Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar who was flown there by a SLAF helicopter. Before Brattskar returned to Colombo with the signature of the LTTE, the government called a media conference at the Information Department, where Minister Maithripala Sirisena announced the government’s signing of the document.

The government finally went ahead with the signing of the P-TOMS, which even challenged the very existence of the UPFA government although it has now been reduced to a PA government. However, the JVP’s protests and agitations against the P-TOMS were disappointing when compared to its earlier protests and its organising capabilities. Even the lunch time protests in front of government institutions by JVP unions were poorly attended. Either the JVP had run out of steam in its protests or they themselves were half-hearted in opposing the P-TOMS. There is division within the JVP as well about leaving the government over this issue. Some who felt that the JVP leaving the government had given an advantage to the UNP think that the hard-line stance taken by Somawansa Amarasinghe and Nandana Gunatilleka was not called for and the JVP could have continued to agitate from within the government.

Many political observers are of the view that the JVP misread the situation. It is supported by the fact that there is no large scale protests or public outcry against the P-TOMS for the JVP to ride on. The lacklustre nature of the JVP’s protests yesterday stands as meek evidence.

There were also behind-the-curtain moves by the government to pacify the JVP. The main mover to woo back the JVP into the fold was Minister Mangala Samaraweera. Soon after his return from China, he was in contact with the JVP to mend fences and chart the future course of the SLFP-JVP friendship. Some of the JVP front-liners too had agreed that they were hasty in leaving the Alliance. However, one of Samaraweera’s first acts was to retain the JVP support in the Western Provincial Council for the PA. Through this move the PA was able to get its councillor Nandana Mendis sworn in as Chief Minister. Another concern of the Mangala-JVP talks was the Presidential Election and how they should proceed. Following this, Wimal Weerawansa hinted in Parliament that they were ready to support the Prime Minister in a new alliance if he is capable of defeating reactionary sections in the government.

With the signing of the P-TOMS without heeding JVP threats, President Kumaratunga has taken the upper-hand for the moment. The P-TOMS document, which was released to the public in full, did not defer much from the synopsis published in the Daily Mirror last week. The detailed document released by the government spells out the three-tiered structure consisting of the High Level Committee, the Regional Committee and the District Committees. One concern that could be raised about the P-TOMS is the definition of the Tsunami Disaster Zone, which covers the entire tsunami-affected areas in the country, enabling the P-TOMS High-Level Committee to decide on the tsunami-affected areas in the entire country. However, the document states that formulation of policies for the equitable allocation and disbursement of donor funds should be based on a needs assessment submitted to the High-Level Committee, guided by the principle that funds should be allocated in proportion to the number of affected persons and the extent of damage.

Now that the P-TOMS has been signed after much hue and cry, the government has to ensure that the tsunami-affected people who are still living in temporary shelters are benefited. The ground reality is that even after six months the government has failed to rehabilitate and reconstruct the tsunami-affected areas. For the common man, what matters are not documents and committees but what happens on the ground.

The JVP yesterday created chaos and mayhem in parliament for the first time since crossing over to the Opposition and the anticipated special debate on the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure failed to take off. However, despite JVP disturbances the Government managed to table a draft of the P-TOMs and sittings were adjourned at 10.30 a.m. with parliament to reconvene on July 5.

The JVP demonstration resulted in the scheduled nine hour adjournment debate being shot down even before it could take off, though gleeful Government MPs banged their desks in triumph once the controversial document was tabled by the Leader of the House and Senior Minister Maithreepala Sirisena.

As expected, Minister Sirisena stood up to deliver a special statement on behalf of the government, but sat down when JVP parliamentary Group Leader Wimal Weerawansa raised a point of order. His sudden intrusion resulted in government MPs objecting but senior Ministers calmed them down. Mr. Weerawansa said Mr. Sirisena had promised to state in the morning whether the P-TOMS was to be signed during the debate or not and wanted an anwswer immediately.

Mr. Sirisena in response said he would answer the question at the end of the debate. The JVP MPs were not satisfied and started shouting with Wimal Weerawansa heard to be speaking at the top of his voice. “I said clearly yesterday and say so today also that the agreement will not be signed while we are presenting this document. It has yet not been signed”, Mr. Sirisena said.

JVP MPs led by Mr. Weerawansa then started to descend to the aisle of the chamber waving black flags. As the Leader of the House tried to go ahead with his speech amidst the disturbances, Mr. Weerawansa went up to him and was heard saying something. Mr. Weerawansa then tore up his copy of the P-TOMS document and threw the pieces at Mr. Sirisena’s desk.

Mr. Sirisena was not cowed down by the incident and went on reading out his speech, while JVP MPs continued chanting in front of his desk and the desk of Finance Minister Sarath Amungama. Senior minister D.M. Jayaratne then sprang up and started countering the JVP. Amidst the din, Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara suspended sittings for ten minutes at 9.45 a.m. while government Deputy Ministers moved in and stood around Mr. Sirisena in a protective ring. The sergeant-at-arms also moved in near the Mace.

By now about 30 JVP MPs were in the middle of the Well chanting slogans against the P-TOMs. “Rata wanasana yanthrane, koti sanasana yantrane, hakula ganiw”, JVP MPs said while Minister D.M Jayaratne shouted back ‘Mini maruwo”. Mr. Sirisena and other Ministers then left the chamber. Meanwhile TNA, UNP and JHU MPs stayed put observing the scenes. Minister Jayaratne waving his arms wildly waged a lone struggle from his desk, shouting in support of the P-TOMS.

At 10.10 am the quorum bell started ringing and the Speaker urged the MPs in the middle to return to their seats. But the Speaker’s plea was drowned in louder shouting by the JVP MPs. Mr. Sirisena then came in and announced he would table the P-TOMS draft and his speech in parliament. At this stage UNP MP John Amaratunga raised a point of order saying the Prime Minister was not to be seen and questioned his whereabouts.

“Does he oppose it. Why is he staying away leaving it to the Leader of the House to present this document”, he asked.

Mr. Sirisena then stood up and requested the Speaker to adjourn sittings with government MPs banging their desks in support. Mr. Sirisena reiterated that the P-TOMS was not yet signed. The Speaker repeated the message to the shouting JVP MPs, and questioned the reason for continuing with the protest. Mr. Sirisena again called for the adjournment of the house, and the Speaker promptly adjourned sittings at 10.25 am. While the JVP group moved away from the aisle, SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem and UPFA Minister Cegu Izzadeen were seen exchanging words.

Mr. Hakeem was near the government front benches and was heard shouting at the Minister. Opposition Whip Mahinda Samarasinghe then came and dragged Mr. Hakeem away from a possible fight but he was heard to issue a final challenge before leaving the chamber. “You come to Akkaraipattu”, he warned.

The UNP yesterday said it supported in principle the setting up of the P-TOMS for the purpose of making urgently needed assistance available to tsunami affected people in the North and East, but also pointed out some weaknesses and flaws in the agreement.

UNP spokesman G.L. Peiris in a lengthy statement said, “It is of vital importance that tsunami relief and rehabilitation must be given to all affected areas in the country and that this benefit must be conferred on all citizens of Sri Lanka including those residents in parts of the country at present dominated by the LTTE.

Since the greater proportion of the resources required for relief and rehabilitation is being put at our disposal by the international community consisting of governments, as well as the non-governmental sector, the requirement of accessing and mobilising donor funds is crucial to achieve effectiveness in respect if the recovery programme throughout the country.

The UNP recognises that success in this task, daunting in its proportions, is dependent on substantial and continuous donor support. The foundation of this consists of the decision made by the Donor Co-Chairs reflected in the Brussels Declaration of 25th January 2005 to "support the Government and the LTTE efforts to strengthen cooperation on assistance for relief, rehabilitation and development in the tsunami affected areas of the North and East."

It is abundantly clear from this sequence of events that the signing of the agreement was postulated by the Donor Community as a necessary condition for the release of assistance. Since Donor assistance is urgently required for the tsunami victims, who are undergoing intense suffering, the UNP believes that it is of critical importance to ensure that the prompt availability of this assistance is not jeopardized in any way. It is evident that an attempt to renegotiate the provisions of the agreement will place that aid in jeopardy.

It has been the consistent position of the UNP that issues relating to structures for the delivery of tsunami assistance must be sensitive to the peace process and must have the effect of fortifying and reinforcing it. The UNP has been entirely consistent in its articulation of the principles underpinning the political solution it envisages to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. The principal elements of our approach to the peace process are contained in the letter addressed by Leader of the UNP and Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe to the President on oath dated October 2004. Our Party reiterated in that letter that our unqualified support is available for the peace process within the parameters set out in the Tokyo Declaration and the Oslo Communiqué, both of which acknowledge the pivotal principle of a united Sri Lanka. This principle is of undiminished importance in the context of the current agreement. The public will recall that, within two weeks of the occurrence of the tsunami tragedy on 26th December 2004, the Working Committee of the UNP adopted a resolution directed towards mobilising the while nation to deal effectively with a disaster of unparalleled m.3gnitude in our country's history.

The Working Committee's Resolution of 10th January 2005 proposed the establishment of a mechanism which allowed ample scope for participation by the Government, political parties, and representatives of ethnic communities, international organisations and broad segments of civil society. The functions and responsibilities of the proposed mechanism were conceived of in strikingly comprehensive terms. Among other salient functions, it was envisaged that the mechanism to be established would review the Needs Assessment of the Government and the Donor Agencies, formulate a programme and plan of action to cater for the requirements of all affected people, set up a special fund to support those who have lost family members, their homes and equipment and means of livelihood and establish a Community Action Committee at local authority level as a focal point for cooperation and unity.

The letter of 10th May 2005 from the UNP Leader to the President said the UNP would have no objection to any arrangements which were to be made with regard to affected people in the LTTE dominated areas, provided that the arrangements fell within the framework of the Oslo Communiqué and the Tokyo Declaration founded upon the principle of a united Sri Lanka. Our Party was mindful that the Tokyo Declaration, subscribed to by 52 nations and 21 international agencies participating in the Tokyo Conference held in June 2003 reflected the broadest conceivable consensus between the international community and the Government of Sri Lanka ever achieved in the history of Donor assistance to our nation.

While reiterating the generally supportive thrust of our approach to the P-TOMS agreement, we draw attention to several anomalous or incomplete provisions of the agreement and we place on record our reservations with regard to these areas.

Our concerns relate to the following aspects of the Agreement:

A. Section 5 (c) dealing with the High Level Committee contains provision which governs the composition of the High Level Committee. According to this provision, the High Level Committee consist of the following members:

i. 1 nominated by the government

ii. 1 nominated by the LTTE

iii. 1 nominated by the Muslim parties.

Since no provision is made for representation of the Sinhala community, the implication appears to be that the nominee by the Government will be a Sinhalese. The United National Party has consistently adopted the self-evident position that the Government of Sri Lanka represents all the people of Sri Lanka. The implication to the contrary contained in provision 5(c) is unacceptable. A future UNP government will act in conformity with the principle by which we have always abided in this regard.

B. It is unfortunate that the MOU referred to as the P-TOMS agreement was signed by the Government without the participation of the representatives of the Muslim community in the North and East. The substantial complaint derives from the absence of consultation with these groups in respect of a whole range of issues pertaining to the structural framework of the P-TOMS agreement.

There is a regrettable gap in respect of Muslim representation. When the peace process was embarked on under the aegis of our Government in 2002, the UNP considered it important to make appropriate arrangements to give effect to the principle of participation by the representatives of the Muslims in the North and East.

C. It is our view that clear provision should be made for the representation of the Sinhala community. As the document now stands, there is an obvious lacuna in this respect. Since the Government of Sri Lanka is not obliged to nominate a member of the Sinhala community to the High Level Committee, there could well be a situation in which the Sinhala community goes unrepresented. We think that this is unacceptable.

D. There is an anomaly with regard to the composition of the Regional Committee envisaged by section 6 of the document. Section 6 (c) makes it clear that the Chairperson of the Regional Committee will be a Member of the LTTE, while the Deputy Chairpersons are nominees of the Government and the Muslim parties. As in previous agreements, provision should be made for representatives to be nominated by the Government of Sri Lanka, but not to function as Deputy Chair. The latter provision entails an unacceptable relegation of the status of the Government of Sri Lanka.

E. The territorial areas within which the P-TOMS agreement will be operative are enveloped in some degree of doubt. This is attributable to the wording used in Section 2 of the document entitled "Scope". Section 2 (b) declares that: "The Tsunami Disaster Zone (the TDZ) shall be defined as an area affected by the Tsunami."

This is followed immediately by Section 2(c) with the provision that: “the TDZ shall include all that tsunami affected land area of Sri Lanka which is adjacent to the sea, lying within a limit of 2 kilometres landward from the mean low water line." This is an inclusive, as distinguished from an exhaustive, definition. It would therefore seem that the TDZ could, in keeping wit', the definition embedded in this document, extend beyond the limit of 2 kilometres. This requires clarification.

F. In our view, a material omission in the document consists of the absence of any reference to the "Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (also known as the Deng principles) adumbrated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This forms an essential part of the core principles applicable to the functions of the structures established by the document, and the deletion of these principles therefore constitutes a significant deficiency.

G. There is no scope accorded in the document to the principle of subsidiary which, in our opinion, is critical for good governance.

The thinking of the UNP in respect of all aspects of delivery of tsunami relief and, indeed, the ramifications of the larger peace process entails a sharp focus on the responsibilities of local government authorities, operating as they do in close proximity to the needs and aspirations of the people of the affected areas. The omission in this regard prevents grass-roots participation in the making and implementing of decisions. This cannot but affect adversely the practical functioning of the mechanism.

This is the first time in over two decades of armed conflict that the parties have agreed to cooperate in a political-administrative structure that comprises the national, regional and district levels, the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo said yesterday.

"It is of major political significance that the parties after nearly a half-year of efforts have signed the agreement on the joint management structure. I congratulate the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam with today's signing", Petersen, said.

The Muslim population, which has been severely affected by both the conflict and the tsunami, will be represented in the joint management structure, he said. The participation of Muslims will be essential for effective reconstruction after the tsunami and for efforts to achieve a lasting solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka, Petersen said.

It is important now that the parties rapidly establish the joint structure for the benefit of all persons affected by the tsunami, and that they make the most of this opportunity to build mutual confidence in the continued peace process though their cooperation on reconstruction. In their endeavour, the parties need the active support of the international community, both in terms of economic and political backing. It also remains critical that both parties strictly uphold the Ceasefire Agreement and that all Sri Lankans promote a peaceful environment for reconstruction.

The Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE have worked to agree upon the joint structure since early January. The negotiations have been facilitated by the Embassy of Norway in Colombo. Visiting Sri Lanka, State Secretary Vidar Helgesen has participated in the discussions with President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and her government and with the LTTE.

An unidentified person Friday night around 8.30 p.m. lobbed two grenades at the house of Mr.V.Vigneswaran, General council member of TELO and President of the Trincomalee District Tamil People's Forum (TDTPF). His house is located at Anpuvallipuram, about 3 k.m. east of Trincomalee town on the Kandy road. Mr.Vigneswaran was not in the house at the time of incident, sources said.

The TDTPF under the leadership of Mr.Vigneswaran is spearheading the campaign for the removal of the controversial Buddha statue, which was erected in a land close to the Trincomalee central bus stand last month. The unidentified person who spoke in Tamil fluently had gone and asked for Mr.Vigneswaran. That person had lobbed two grenades at the house on being told that Mr.Vigneswaran was away. The two grenades exploded causing damages to articles found in the dining room, according to an inmate of the house. No one was injured in the explosion, he said. The incident was immediately reported to the Uppuveli Police.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005

Govt. Muslim MPs betrayed community: Hakeem

SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem yesterday accused Muslim government members of betraying the community by failing to ensure that Muslims had a signatory role in the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS), and relegating their status to that of mere bystanders.

“This is a betrayal. I am appalled at the Muslim Ministers who despite my calls to unite have cooperated in this betrayal of the community’s interest” he told the Daily Mirror in Parliament after the House was adjourned early due to disruptions.

He said Muslim government members had done little to fulfil their mandate to agitate for an equal status for Muslims in future peace talks aimed at arriving at a final solution to the ethnic problem. “”Our disunity should not be the convenient excuse for the facilitators of the government and LTTE to continuously ignore our legitimate demands” he said.

Mr. Hakeem charged that the Muslim community was referred to as a ‘group’ in the P-TOMS, and that tantamounted to the relegation of their status as a nationality.

While not opposing the P-TOMS or the LTTE being party to it, Mr. Hakeem said the Muslims should have been given a dominant role in the agreement since they were the worst affected community.

Hakeem said since the P-TOMS was an agreement between the government and LTTE, it went against the Tokyo Declaration in which Muslims were assured the right to separate representation.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005 CBK create history Srilanka and LTTE sign P-TOMS

Government of Sri lanka and the LTTE signed the Joint Mechanism document to distribute aid in North East today evening.

Government of Sri lanka and the LTTE signed the Joint Mechanism document to distribute aid in North East today evening.

Norwegian facilitators, Friday noon reached Kilinochchi with the signature of Mr. Mudiyanselage Sumanaweera Jayasinghe, Secretary of Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation, who signed on behalf of the
Government of Sri Lanka in the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) sources in Colombo said. Mr. Shanmugalingam Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development Secretariat (PDS) on behalf of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) signed the MoU, after the Government representative had signed the treaty, sources in Kilinochchi said.

The parties signed three copies, sources said. One copy is kept by the LTTE in Kilinochchi, one by the Government of Sri Lanka in Colombo and a third copy is to be deposited in Oslo, sources added. The signing of MoU strengthened Norwegian facilitation in the Peace Process, although critics warned that implementation of MoU still can face formidable challenges.

The preamble of the pact states that the MoU is between the two parties, the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Muslim community's interests are safeguarded by its representation in the three tiered operational management structure of the P-TOMS.

According to Political observers the legal status of P-TOMS is similar to that of the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) of February 2002, as both were signed without explicit passage through the legislative assembly of the
Sri Lankan state. This is indicative of the reality that the Tamil national question can be resolved only through extra-constitutional measures, observers pointed out.
Article 7(b) of the MoU lists the creation of a "Regional Fund", the custodian of which will be a multilateral agency appointed by both parties, the GoSL and the LTTE.

"The Parties and the Custodian shall agree on a mechanism for the establishment and operation of the Regional Fund," adds article 7(d).

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Fri, June 24, 2005

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Fri, June 24, 2005

UN welcomes Sri Lanka agreement on aid deal
Welcoming the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) to establish a joint tsunami aid-sharing structure Friday, the Secretary General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, said through his spokesperson that he “hopes the agreement will help place Sri Lanka on the road to full recovery from this unparalleled tragedy," and that “he believes that this is an important day for the many tsunami-affected families and communities in the country.”

Fri, June 24, 2005

President calls for an end to divisive politics, reiterates that the Aid Deal is just a 'simple administrative arrangement'
President Chandrika Kumaratunga today appealed to all those concerned to shun divisive and confrontational politics and work as a team to alleviate the sufferings of those affected by the tsunami.
Ms. Kumaratunga reiterated that the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS), signed today is a simple administrative arrangement to provide humanitarian relief to those affected by the December 26th catastrophe.

According to the Presidential Secretariat, the President is saddened by opposition to this administrative arrangement which went beyond democratic dissent. Ms. Kumaratunga has however urged all responsible leaders to take advantage of this window of opportunity to recommence the stalled peace process. She has also expressed her confidence that Sri Lanka will soon achieve a negotiated durable peace which will ensure the rights of all communities in this country.

Sri Lanka Parliament adjourned until July 5

Speaker W.M.J. Lokubandara adjourned the Parliament until July 5 today, amidst continued protest against the Joint Mechanism from the JVP since sittings commenced this morning.

The chaos started when Leader of the House Maithripala Sirisena moved to table the Joint Mechanism proposal and some JVP members surrounded him, leading the Speaker to adjourn the Parliament for fifteen minutes.

After resuming the session, JVP parliamentarians again surrounded Mr. Sirisena and a few SLFP parliamentarians were seen providing security to Mr. Sirisena. JVP MPs asked whether the Joint Mechanism had been signed. In reply, Mr. Sirisena said it was not signed until he tabled it in Parliament.

Later, the Speaker adjourned the Parliament until July 5 due to continued protest from the JVP.

Police tear gas JVP protest near Sri Lanka Parliament

Police used tear gas to disperse several thousand JVP protestors when they tried to break through the security checkpoint on the main road leading to the parliamentary complex this morning.

The protestors launched a campaign near the Parliament around 9 AM today, while the Parliament commenced the day’s proceedings. More than 30 minutes after the start of the demonstration, the protestors tried to break through the security checkpoint, leading the police to use tear gas.


Later the crowd was dispersed and tight security was imposed after the deployment of additional security forces. Two special security checkpoints were also set up on the main road leading to the parliamentary complex.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005

Joint deal with Tigers forms basis for reviving peace in Sri Lanka: official COLOMBO, June 24

The Sri Lankan government Friday said a controversial joint deal with the Tamil Tigers for tsunami relief delivery in the Tamil regions could form the basis for reviving the stalled peace negotiations between the two sides. Finance Minister Sarath Amunugama said "this can lead to restarting of the peace process."

Direct peace negotiations between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) rebels brokered by the Norwegian government were suspended in April 2003 after six roundsof talks. Amunugama and some 10 senior government ministers attended a briefing here Friday after the signing of the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) amidst unruly scenes in the parliament.

The assembly has been postponed until July 5 as the JVP or the People's Liberation Front staged a noisy demonstration inside the chamber when the government had presented the controversial joint deal with the Tamil Tigers for tsunami relief distribution by then. The leader of the House Maithripala Sirisena said that mechanism was signed on behalf of the government by M.S.Jayasinghe, secretary to Ministry of Rehabilitation Reconstruction and Resettlement.

The document was forwarded by helicopter to the LTTE headquarters in the north, the minister said. A copy of the P-TOMS agreement distributed among reporters said "The LTTE and the government have resolved to work together in good faith and use their best efforts to deliver expeditious relief, rehabilitation reconstruction and development to the coastal communities in the north and east".

The mechanism has a three-tiered structure - a high level committee, six regional committees and district committees.

The high level committee is to comprise of one government nominee, one LTTE nominee and a Muslim nominee which would become 2, 5 and 3 in that order at the regional committee levels.
The district committees may further discuss and decide on issues relating to their composition and decision-making The agreement would last a year with option to extend further if required.

Sri Lanka's international donor community is to be asked to provide funds to cover all costs and expenses incurred with regard to the P-TOMS, the document says. Enditem.

Thu, 23 Jun 2005
JVP plans countrywide protests Affiliated health unions too join in work stoppage By Gagani Weerakoon
With the rising speculation that the government is to finalise the Joint Mechanism today with the LTTE, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, mainly with their trade union wing, will hold agitation campaigns countrywide in an attempt to disrupt day to day life of the public.A JVP politburo member said the party will hold a ‘Day of National Protest’ today and invited all patriots to participate in these protest campaigns, especially to the main protest scheduled to be held opposite the Parliamentary complex.

“This is definitely an effort to strengthen the LTTE’s attempt of creating a separate state under the cover of humanitarian needs of the tsunami-affected people. We must create a strong public protest against this deceitful act,” he said. Meanwhile the All Ceylon Trade Union Federation (ACTUF) urged its members to hoist black flags in every work place and to stay away from work. ACTUF General Secretary, MP Piyasiri Wijenayaka said they took this decision at a meeting held with the leaders of 80 trade unions of the public sector which was chaired by the party’s trade union wing leader K.D. Lal Kantha.

The JVP’s political, bhikkhu, student and trade union wings are to participate in these agitation campaigns. Meanwhile, Health employees of the JVP affiliated All Ceylon Health Services Union (ACHSU) will stage protests outside all major hospitals today and refrain from work to protest the signing of the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure (P-TOMS). Union spokesman Samantha Koralearachchi said the All Ceylon Trade Union Federation (ACTUF) decided to stage country-wide protests in all government establishments and to refrain from work today. The health unions will put up black flags denouncing the agreement.

Meanwhile, the Government Nursing Officers Association (GNOA) spokesman Saman Rathnapriya said their union was in favour of the signing of the P-TOMS. -

Date: Thu, 23 Jun 2005
Monks, religion and politics

It is irreconcilable for a person, who has given up his lay life to become a monk or a nun with the intention of learning and practicing the Dhamma following the strict code of discipline with a desire of seeking liberation from the round of births an deaths and attendant suffering in Samsara, to revert to lay activities like politics even with good intentions.

Unless this is done, it gives an opportunity for persons or political parties to exploit it for their own purposes.

This seems to be what is happening now and has led to a crisis. Of course it has been the practice of the kings of past and rulers today to seek the advice of the Maha Sangha on important matters who, with their Buddhist monastic training, could be expected to be impartial; but not the other way about for monks to force their views or advice on the rulers.

What is unacceptable is when a monk undertakes a fast unto death demanding the government gives into his or his party’s view. Fasting unto death is tantamount to suicide which is an illegal act. Besides it is a breach of the First Precept meant for laymen which is an undertaking not to take another’s life or even one’s own life. What is worse is that this is done without the full knowledge of the government’s proposals which is regrettable for any learned monk who has read and understood the Kalama Sutta.

Another fallacy is that there is a parallel between Venerable Wariyapola Sumangala bringing down the British flag and hoisting the Sinhala flag as a protest against the British who cunningly brought our independence to an end, and for which act he was executed.

It is hoped that these Theravada monks who are taking part in protest marches shouting slogans and promoting fasting unto death will in the spirit of Buddha’s teaching think again and settle this matter peacefully without giving the LTTE an opportunity to capitalize on this crisis.

Asgiriya Mahanayake supports P-TOMS By L. B. Senaratne
The Mahanayake of Asgiriya Ven. Udugama Sri Buddharakitta Thera yesterday told President Chandrika Kumaratunga that she should go ahead with the P-TOMS agreement even though it was too late. The prelate who blessed the President also told her he believed there was no threat to the sovereignty of Sri Lanka in the agreement.

The President met the Mahanayake at the Sri Dalada Maligawa to brief him, as promised at the Janadipathi Mandiraya some weeks ago that the steps taking by the President would be intimated to the theras. The President told the Mahanayake of Asgiriya that the document would be tabled in Parliament as an adjournment motion today.

As the Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter was away at Kahawatte and was returning only yesterday, Central Province Governor Monty Gopallawa was entrusted with the task of delivering a letter from the President to the prelate.

Later the President who wished to pay homage to the Tooth Relic was told that at that time the doors of the inner shrine were closed. The President then said she was willing to pay homage from outside and did so at the exposition mandapaya.

The secretary of the Asgiriya Chapter Ven. Prof. Warakawe Dhammaloka Thera, Finance Minister Sarath Amunugama and Central Province Governor Monty Gopallawa were also present.

The Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) will be presented to Parliament for debate today, Chief Government Whip Jeyraj Fernandopulle revealed to the House yesterday. He was answering a query raised by JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa.

When parliament met yesterday (23) Weerawansa asked Fernandopulle whether the P-TOMS (document) proposal would be presented in Parliament on Friday (24) after it had been signed by President Kumaratunga.

Fernandopulle: We will give you the documents in all three languages before it is debated in Parliament tomorrow.

Weerasansa: We want to know whether the document is to brought before this House as a signed document or not. If it is to be brought as a signed document it will be useless, for we have to make our views and suggestions known before it is signed.

Fernandopulle: We will be bringing it before the House tomorrow.

Weerawansa: What we want to know is whether it has already been signed or whether it is to be signed while we are debating it in Parliament before it is signed.

Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thera (JHU): If this agreement is signed will mean the President has gone back on what she had promised the Maha Nayaka Theras that she will not sign the document or implement the P-TOMS proposals without consulting the Maha Nayake Theras.

Weerawansa: We are aware the President will discuss this with the Maha Nayake Theras and it will be signed to appease a group of tourists. We are aware that she will sign this traitorous document, and after she signs it she will take her two children and go to Nuwara Eliya for a holiday.

Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thera (JHU) said there was a pest some years ago that posed a threat to the coconut plantations but now the fragmentation of the plantations for growing as well as felling of coconut trees for timber posed another threat. In addition, some ministers and highly placed person were taking over good coconut plantations.

"One person should not be allowed to betray the nation using the power given by the people. We will unite all the patriotic parties to being a No Confidence motion against the government and an impeachment against the President if this documents is signed. We will even, at the risk of our lives, campaign and mobilize all patriotic forces against the P-TOMS proposal and defeat it", he said.

He added the President had taken steps to sign a treacherous document which was going to fragment and destroy the whole country. "This is the greatest treachery in the whole history of the country. We are told that we have to follow the principles enunciated by Arahat Mahinda but let those who preach to us go to that holy man Prabhakaran to follow those principles".

Thu, 23 Jun 2005

President can’t decide on date of next poll: UNP By Kelum Bandara
The UNP yesterday claimed that President Chandrika Kumaratunga had no constitutional powers to determine the date of the next presidential election, and only the Elections Commissioner had been empowered to do so.

UNP spokesman G.L. Peiris told a news conference that the President had mentioned the date of the next presidential election several times despite it being a matter exclusively for the Elections Commissioner.

“There is a clear provision in the Constitution regarding the holding of a Presidential election. After four years in power, the President has the power to bring forward the date of the election to ask for a second term. This is in respect of the first term only. However, in respect of the second term, it is exclusively for the Election Commissioner to determine the date. Therefore, whatever the President has said is not the law but only her personal opinion,” Prof. Peiris said.

Referring to the political crisis in the country, he said it was clear that the President was reaping what she had sown when the Ceasefire Agreement was signed by the UNP in 2002.

“The dilemma she is facing today is the direct result of the course of action she resorted to when the Ceasefire Agreement was signed by the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. She nurtured and strengthened the extremist forces in her favour to obstruct the peace process,” he said.

He said today the government was reduced to a minority in Parliament with the opposition holding a majority.

“During President J.R.Jayewardene’s reign, the government MPs flowed over to the opposition benches. Today, that situation has been reversed with opposition members being compelled to occupy 44 government benches. The entire opposition has 75 seats than the government today,” he said.

Prof. Peiris however said the UNP would not exploit the situation to topple the government.

“The President has said she can run the government till the next budget without the Parliament and the Cabinet. She also says that democracy means the approval of 51 percent. We disagree with these ideas. On a crisis time like this, it is important to have Parliament in session for the members to express their views on behalf of the people whom they represent,” he said.

Prof. Peiris said they were organising a ‘Janabala Meheyuma’ from Devundara to Colombo from July 2, to mobilize the people against the sky-rocketing cost of living and the government’s failure to grant relief to tsunami victims. The march will reach Colombo on July 12, he said.

NEW DELHI, June 23: Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh will lay the foundation stone for the US$560-million Sethusamudram Shipping Canal Project (SSCP) in Madurai on July 2. Congress Party President and ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Chairperson Sonia Gandhi will attend the function.

Other dignitaries who will attend the ceremony will include UPA partner DMK’s Chief Muthuvel Karunanidhi, Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, and Shipping and Transport Minister TR Baalu, among others.

However, there is speculation in the media here that Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Ms Jayaram Jayalalithaa may keep away from the high-profile event because Union Minister Baalu is not "personally" extending an invitation to her. A lowly functionary of Baalu’s ministry may deliver the invitation to the highly protocol-conscious chief minister’s secretary.

Baalu belongs to the DMK party, a bitter rival of Ms Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK party. Elections to Tamil Nadu state assembly are due any time before April 2006, most political parties in the southern Indian state are trying hard to impress the voters by claiming credit for making their 145-year-old dream a reality.

Ms Jayalalithaa says her mentor the late MG Ramachandran (MGR, the Kandy-born Tamil actor-turned-politician who founded the AIADMK and was Tamil Nadu chief minister) and she herself had been fighting for the Sethusamudram project for the past three decades. She says that, as a member of the Rajya Sabha 20 years ago, she had made many fiery speeches in Parliament’s upper house asking for the project. So, the credit for it must go to her.

But the DMK claims credit for the project because its ministers in the federal cabinet, including Baalu, had worked hard to persuade Prime Minister Dr Singh to go for the project. Finance Minister Chidambaram, a Congress leader from the state, claims credit for the project because the Congress-led UPA is making the project a reality. And Vaiko, leader of UPA ally MDMK wants to hog credit by arguing that he is the one who used his personal influence with Dr Singh to sanction the expensive project!

Tight security arrangements are being made in Madurai for the Sethu project function. Special trains are being arranged to Madurai to enable people from other parts of Tamil Nadu to attend the ceremony.

The Sethusamudram canal opens up a channel for ships ferrying between India’s eastern and western coasts to avoid going around Sri Lanka. India does not have a continuous navigable route within its own waters right now.

The project will link the Arabian Sea with the Bay of Bengal by dredging the ocean bed in the shallow waters to the north of Sri Lanka to create a navigable canal across the Gulf of Mannar, Palk Bay and Palk Straits. Its length will be 167km, and breadth 300metres. The canal’s depth will be 14.5 metres deep to allow ships with draught of up to 65,000 DWT to cross. India hopes to complete the canal project in three and a half years.

Sri Lanka's powerful Marxist party vowed Thursday to launch a nationwide campaign against the government if the president signs a controversial tsunami aid-sharing deal with Tamil Tiger rebels.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga says the plan to share billions of dollars in aid with the Tigers marks a golden opportunity to forge peace with the guerrillas and end a war that killed nearly 65,000 people before a cease-fire halted the fighting three years ago. However, the Marxist People's Liberation Front and the country's influential Buddhist clergy have argued that the deal would raise the rebels' legitimacy in the international community, boosting their separatist agenda and undermining Sri Lanka's sovereignty. Somawansa Amerasinghe, head of the People's Liberation Front, said the party would launch a campaign "to educate the people of the danger the country faces" if the deal is signed.

"We may seek a mandate from the people and ask for new elections," Amerasinghe told The Associated Press. General elections aren't due until 2010. Though only the president has the power to dissolve Parliament and call early elections, a protest campaign by the Marxists could disrupt the country's economy because the party is supported by labor unions in crucial sectors, including petroleum. The People's Liberation Front last week withdrew its 39 lawmakers from the ruling coalition to protest the government's aid-sharing plan, reducing Kumaratunga's government to a minority with just 81 seats in the 225-member Parliament. Kumaratunga has said she will present the proposal in Parliament, but it wasn't clear when she would do so.

The Tigers want a say in how aid gets distributed in the Tamil-majority north and east _ parts of which are under guerrilla control. The rebels have complained that assistance has not reached Tamil areas fast enough since the Dec. 26 disaster, which killed at least 31,000 people in Sri Lanka. The rebels began fighting in 1983 for a separate homeland for ethnic Tamils in the north and east, claiming discrimination by the majority Sinhalese. The 2002 cease-fire has largely held, although subsequent peace talks broke down in 2003.

Minister Ashroff met the Norwegian Deputy Minister on his return from Kilinochchi yesterday. Given news that there may be no Muslim representation in the TRC, the speculation is that Ms. Ashroff may tender her resignation from her ministerial post. In another development, Minister Mangala Samaraweera has sound that the JVP would return to the government within two weeks and hence there would not be a Cabinet reshuffle to appoint new ministers to JVP-held posts.

Critics have questioned whether the JVP left the government on an understanding that they would return after the government has signed the TRC agreement, thereby washing their hands of it.

A senior minister yesterday acknowledged the possibility of early parliamentary elections, as a result of the simmering political crisis triggered by the JVP's pull-out, over the proposed Oslo-arranged tsunami aid sharing deal with the LTTE.

Health Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva yesterday morning told German Ambassador Jurgen Weerth that parliamentary election would have to be held if the UPFA government failed to pass its second budget. According to de Silva, who played a key role in negotiations, leading to the formation of the UPFA administration, just over a year ago, the forthcoming budget would indicate the fate of the government.

JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa on Tuesday said that they wouldn't destabilise the government as long as President Kumaratunga didn't finalise the agreement. Ambassador Weerth met Minister de Silva at the signing ceremony of an agreement that would provide US 5 million dollars to restore the tsunami-devastated Mahamodera hospital, the premier government hospital in the south. Health Secretary Ranjith Maligaspe and Dr. Holthoff Pfortner signed for the respective governments.

The agreement was reached following negotiations initiated by Minister de Silva when he met former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who had been at the southern tourist resort when the December 26 tsunami struck coastal areas. Ambassador Weerth had inquired of Minister de Silva about, what our sources termed, the stability of the government. Claiming that the UNP wanted early presidential elections the Minister had pointed out that the election was scheduled to be held in November next year. "The government is stable. But if we lose the budget in coming November, there willl have to be early elections," he said.

Minister de Silva also assured the German Ambassador that the proposed tsunami aid sharing deal with the LTTE would be finalised soon. According to well informed sources de Silva termed the proposed Joint Mechanism aka Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) as a simple and soft document although it had generated unprecedented media interest. Ambassador Weerth, responding to Minister de Silva's queries, expressed the belief that the government should go ahead with the deal despite problems. Ambassador Weerth was echoing the Colombo based Ambassador and High Commissioners and visiting foreign dignitaries.

Wed, 22 Jun 2005

Tigers Invite Muslim Leadership For Talks….slate CBK.

LTTE Political Wing leader S.Thamilchelvan has told Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesssen today that the Muslim leadership must have talks with the LTTE towards considering their grievances and possibly accommodating them in the Joint Memorandum.

Thamilchelvan charged today that President Kumaratunga's "proclamations alone were not sufficient to alleviate the sufferings of the Tsunami hit people in the North-East province."

A spokesman for the LTTE in Kilinochchi said Thamilchelvan came down hard on Kumaratunga saying " the people had already reached the very extremes of suffering and tolerance. Furthermore, he said, the people have been waiting for over 20 years of the war to get back to normalcy. Helgesen is reported to have told Thamilchelvan that the government wanted a few more assurances before aid began flowing from the $3.5 billion foreign aid for Tsunami reconstruction .

What was essential today was to salvage the peace process, he said adding that this was being threatened seriously by cease-fire violations, for the CFA is the key to the entire peace process and if that is hijacked by scheming elements, then there is no useful purpose in the Joint Mechanism or any mechanism for that matter." Tamilselvan said.

He expressed disgust over the armed groups which he claimed are being sponsored by the SL Military intelligence units and urged that the case of post-war resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction, resettlement and development must not be placed on the back burner.He urged the facilitators to interact with the government to bring about an attitudinal change in Colombo.

The ceasefire between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) remained in place, despite a number of violations and a failure to resume peace talks, Amnesty said in its report.

Summarizing the rights violations of Government of Sri Lanka, Amnesty said, "In November the government announced a “reactivation” of the death penalty. Torture in police custody was widely reported and victims seeking redress faced threats and violence. There was little progress towards holding security forces to account for past human rights violations. Religious minorities came under threat, with attacks on Christians and Muslims, as well as the tabling of a bill aimed at curbing religious conversions."

Pointing out that, "The human rights situation in the north-east deteriorated following a violent split within the LTTE in April and a dramatic increase in politically motivated killings," the Amnesty said of the LTTE: " Although a large number of child soldiers were released during the internal fighting, the LTTE continued to recruit children, including through abduction."

Amnesty said, referring to the Government of Sri Lanka's draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) "40 prisoners remained in detention under the PTA at the end of the year," and pointed to the conclusion made by the UN Human Rights Committee that "the rights of Nallaratnam Singarasa had been violated and that he should be given an appropriate remedy such as “release or retrial and compensation. Nallaratnam Singarasa was detained under the PTA in 1993 and sentenced to 50 years’ imprisonment in 1995. Nallaratnam Singarasa claimed that while in detention he was tortured and forced to put his thumbprint to a confession written in Sinhalese, a language he did not understand. This confession formed the main basis for his conviction."

Amnesty accused the LTTE of publicly executing Balasuntaram Sritharan and Thillaiampalam Sundararajan in the eastern village of Illuppaiadaichenai and for killing Balanadarajah Iyer, a senior EPDP spokesman. On recruitment of child soldiers, the report said, "The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported the recruitment of 448 children as soldiers in the first half of 2004, while acknowledging that the actual figure was probably far higher.

"It was reported that a large number of child soldiers were deployed in the fighting between the LTTE and the Karuna faction in April and that there were some child casualties. Following the fighting, over 1,600 child soldiers from the east, who had fought alongside Colonel Karuna, were disbanded and spontaneously returned to their homes. In May and June it was reported that the LTTE were re-recruiting many of these demobilized children, using tactics of intimidation, abduction and violence..."

Wed, 22 Jun 2005
JVP signals possible alliance with Mahinda

JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa yesterday warned, what he termed, the minority clique in the SLFP-led minority government not to go ahead with the proposed Joint Mechanism aka Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS).

Making a special statement as an opposition MP, Weerawansa vowed to reconsider their desire to defend (stability of) the government and the provincial councils while being an independent group in the opposition. "We’d like to emphasise that this would decisively influence any decision we would take in any future election," he declared.

Thanking Premier Mahinda Rajapakse and Chief Government Whip Jeyaraj Fernandopulle for "their assistance in parliamentary affairs", the firebrand MP said, "If the struggle you are engaged in to defeat the conspiracy, staged by a minority clique sustained by foreign aid of a few NGOs, is successful, maybe we’ll meet on one platform again. We, on behalf of the inspiration of the people, wish that you will be able to defeat the minority NGO clique which had wriggled into the alliance government to destroy it." Weerawansa also thanked Ministers Mangala Samaraweera, Lakshman Kadirgamar, Anura Bandaranaike, Nimal Siripala de Silva and Susil Premjayanth for promoting the UPFA government.

Wed, 22 Jun 2005
"JM is useless, if Ceasefire Agreement is hijacked," Tamilselvan declares

"Norwegian facilitators did not bring any decisive message from the Sri Lankan government today on the Joint Mechanism" LTTE Political Wing Leader S.P.Tamilselvan informed the media soon after his meeting with Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen, the LTTE Peace Secretariat announced today.

"President's professed commitment to the signing of the Joint Mechanism is the only message that we got and we continue to get this message for quite some time now and proclamations alone are not sufficient to alleviate the hardships of a people who have already reached the fringe of frustration when tsunami struck them, waiting for three years to get back normalcy in their life after twenty years of war," quipped Tamilselvan.

Had working out a modality to ensure equitable sharing of international aid for post tsunami management been done timely without politicizing the issue, a conducive environment could have been created to place the right building blocks in the confidence building process, the political wing Leader noted.

"What is essential today is to salvage the peace process which is being threatened seriously by cease-fire violations, for the Ceasefire Agreement is the key to the entire peace process and if that is hijacked by scheming elements, then there is no useful purpose in the Joint Mechanism or any mechanism for that matter" he noted.

Wed, 22 Jun 2005
No LTTE objections to Muslim representation in P-TOMS by Manjula Fernando

LTTE political wing leader S.Thamilselvan called on President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to use her executive powers to implement the tsunami aid distribution structure P-TOMS (Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure). Addressing a press conference after meeting Norwegian Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen at the LTTE political office yesterday morning, he said they had no objections to including Muslims in the proposed structure.

However, he expressed reservations at initiating a dialogue with Muslims to discuss their concerns at this point as it would further delay the implementation of the mechanism. "The delay in the implementation of the P-TOMS has led to the diminishing of faith in our people," Thamilselvan said calling on the President to use her executive powers to go ahead with the proposal. He also pointed out the increasing number of attacks targeting their members and political offices.

Helgesen said the Government and the LTTE must come to an agreement on Muslims representation in the proposed P-TOMS. Addressing reporters soon after the meeting with LTTE political wing leader, Helgesen said: "We are just the mediators. We have no powers. The LTTE and the Government must resolve the issue of Muslim representation."

"I hope the proposed structure would soon be implemented to ensure equal distribution of aid among all affected by the tsunami," he added. Helgesen was flown to Kilinochchi on board an Air Force helicopter around 9 am yesterday. LTTE political wing leader Daya Master quoting his political leader said Thamilselvan made no comment on the JVP's leaving the government on the P-TOMS issue.

He has raised concerns over the delay in the implementation of P-TOMS. Helgesen has conveyed to the LTTE the President's strong commitment to go ahead with the P-TOMS which aims at the fair distribution of donor aid to all parts of the country to help tsunami victims to rebuild their lives.

The government did not respond to the JVP and TNA when they raised the matter at the special party leaders meeting held earlier in the day, sources said.The JHU raised the matter in parliament when its group leader Ven. Athureliya Ratana Thera making a special statement asked Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse to table the P-TOMS. But the PM remained non committal to the JHU request.

The British government has suspended the enforced return of Sri Lankan asylum seekers from tsunami-affected areas of the country's north, east and south. The UK Under Secretary of State Andy Burnham in a letter to the Sri Lankan government stated that the temporary suspension of enforced return applies to all Sri Lankans from coastal areas in the north-east, south and south-west directly affected by the tsunami. The UK will also be assessing information from the UNHCR and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office on this issue, the letter said.

Oslo to LTTE: Accommodate Muslims

Helgesen to make appeal at talks in Kilinochchi today By Kasun Yapa Karunaratne
President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the visiting Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen held two hours of talks yesterday on the proposed tsunami aid-sharing deal and the Norwegian peace envoy will meet LTTE leaders today in a bid to persuade them to accommodate some aspirations of the Muslim community, government sources said.They said President Kumaratunga who later met NUA leader and Minister Ferial Ashraff gave her an assurance that Mr. Helgesen would do his best to get the LTTE to agree to some amendments to accommodate Muslim concerns.

The crisis meeting between the President and Ms. Ashraff came last night amidst speculation that the NUA leader was planning to quit the government in protest against the failure to accommodate the aspirations of the Muslim community in the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure.The sources said Ms. Ashraff who met other leaders of the Muslim community last night urged them to wait for the results of Mr. Helgesen’s talks with LTTE leaders in Kilinochchi today.Mr. Helgesen is expected to meet Ms. Ashraff and other Muslim leaders again tomorrow.

On Monday at a meeting with SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem, Mr. Helgesen had indicated that the P-TOMS agreements between the government and the LTTE was finalized now and no changes could be made to accommodate the wishes of the Muslim community. This had caused anger and protest by Muslim community leaders, including Mr. Hakeem and Ms. Ashraff.Earlier yesterday before meeting the President, Mr. Helgesen held talks at the Norwegian embassy with a Muslim Peace Council delegation including Ms. Ashraff. National Unity Alliance spokesman Abul Kalam said they had expressed their concern to Mr. Helgesen and he assured these would be taken up both with the President and the LTTE.

He said Mr. Helgesen had asked whether signing the deal was more important that Muslim representation on the structure and the delegation said both were important.

21 Jun 2005

JVP/JHU to field common presidential candidate! by Bandula Jayasekara

Political sources say The Janatha Vimukthi Permauna (JVP) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) may get together to field a common candidate at the next Presidential elections. A common candidate, who would stand for the unitary character of the country and one who would denounce terrorism would be their choice as the common presidential candidate.

A JHU member said there were many in the SLFP and the UNP who were willing to support them at the right time and this was the right time for the country to present a common candidate rather than somone from the two main political parties. He said they called upon all national minded and country loving Sri Lankans and leaders such as TULF President V. Anandasangaree, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda, leader of NUA Ferial Ashraff to join hands with them. He refused to divulge the names to be proposed as the common candidates. The JHU member said that had ironed out many differences with the JVP and both parties were of the view that the country must come first and it must be protected first.

At the time of quitting the UPFA alliance, JVP leader, Somawansa Amarasinghe said that the JVP would certainly align itself with any party committed to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the country.

21 Jun 2005

Sinhala chauvinism will never permit a just approach to Tamils The full text of the speech given by Rev Fr Bernard at the “Voice of Tamil Nation” event held on Sunday at the Kailasapathy hall in Jaffna University is reproduced below:

I have been asked to give my talk about the aim of today’s event and the background to it. Thus my talk will be along these lines. The views of the Jaffna people were gathered recently through a research project. The aim of this event is to let the international community and the south Ceylon community know of these findings in the presence of leaders and intellectuals respected by the people of Jaffna and with their blessings. Three inter related issues have come up. They are, the Sinhala chauvinism that is standing opposed to us in the name of language and religion; the historical background to this; and the need to safeguard our right to self-determination from this chauvinism.

It is very important to understand this aim and therefore some explanation is needed. Firstly, we are not disrespecting the Buddhist religion or the Sinhala people. On the contrary we respect both. Secondly, when we talk of our nationalism we do so while respecting similar feelings of other people. But we raise our voice against any exaggerated feeling of nationalism that attempts to spread its hegemony on us thus wounding our self-respect.We have not failed to notice that there have been voices in south Ceylon then and now against this Sinhala hegemony. People’s views Sinhala hegemony is the cause of the 25 years of war that is crushing us. In the 50 years since independence there have never been a strong political community, or political culture, or leadership in south Ceylon to break this Sinhala hegemonic tendency. From now on we will determine our own future. In order to explain these views it is necessary to look into the political history.

Manifestations of Sinhala chauvinism Citizenship act Soon after independence from Britian the new government in Ceylon introduced a citizenship act and through it denied the Tamils in upcountry their citizenship and their right to vote. Not only that through this the government wiped out any political bargaining strength for the Tamil people.

At the same time the Sinhala Mahasangam was applying pressure to make Sinhala the only official language and Buddhism the state religion. Accordingly, late Bandaranayake, former Prime Minister, who in earlier decades demonstrated his broad outlook by proposing a federal system of government for Ceylon, now turned into an opportunist and started shouting the Sinhala only slogan in 1956. He won the elections with landslide victory as a result.

Sinhala only “Two languages on country – one language two country”, dismissing these words of a Sinhala leader, in 1956 Sinhala was made the only official language. Tamil leaders started fasting in front of the parliament opposing this. That was a non-violent struggle. But violence was used to break that protest. Massive protests broke among Tamil people objecting to the violence. These too were non-violent protests. Banda – Chelva pact In order to manage the Tamil protests Prime Minister Bandaranayake held talks with the leader of the Tamil Arasu political party, Chelvanayakam. A pact was signed by the two following the talks. The basis of this pact is the federal system of government.

The following were included in this pact, o Tamil was accepted as the language of the minority in Ceylon.
o Tamil to be made the language of administration in the northeast. .
o Create district councils in the Northeast and.
o Reform the settlement schemes and the citizenship act. .

But Buddhist leaders opposed this pact. J R Jayawardhana also staged protests against it. Unable to face the opposition to the pact, Bandaranayake unilaterally ripped the pact in front of them.

Government sponsored settlements in Tamil areas As a result of these settlements the number of Sinhala people in the eastern district increased by 10 fold from 1946 to 1976. This seriously affected the Tamil people. Tamils who were already a minority at the country level were also made a minority in their traditional homeland. When new electoral districts were created their representation and their bargaining strength were severely reduced.

Dudley – Chelva pact Another pact was signed in 1965. This was signed by Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake and Chelvanayakam. The following were contained in this pact,

o To make Tamil the administrative language in the Northeast.
o Use Tamil in the courts in Northeast.

o When land is allocated it must first be offered to landless Tamils in that area and then to Tamils in other areas and lastly to other people. .Even for these very limited demands, there was opposition. The Sri Lanka Freedom party that was in support of the Banda-Chelva pact, having lost power, now became the opposition party that opposed this new pact. As before Buddhist leaders also opposed the pact. As a result the government could not implement this pact for a long time.

New constitution in 1972

United Front government that won the elections in 1970 initiated the proposal for a new constitution. The Tamil Arasu party put forward the following to the council considering the new constitution.

o Incorporate the Dudley-Chelva pact into the constitution.
o Make Tamil language the medium of education for the Tamil students.

All of these were rejected by the council. All other Tamil parties except the Tamil Arasu party put forward the following suggestions.

o Give Tamil equal status.
o Grant citizenship to those from whom it was taken away.
o The constitution must not be favouring one or the other community.

All of these were also rejected. Not only that, clause 29 in the then existing constitution that granted protection to the minorities by ensuring equality of status for all religions and languages was removed in the new constitution and Buddhism was given a special place.

Another constitution in 1978

The new constitution of 1978 also did not take into account the shortcomings in the 1972 constitution in relation to the Tamils. Instead this too became a document that reinstated Sinhala Buddhist hegemony.

It became impossible to expect a respectable life from the south Ceylon society.

Discrimination in education

Yet another manifestation of the Sinhala hegemony was the “standardisation” procedure implemented for the university entrance. This created a huge hurdle to the higher education of Tamil students. This came when Tamil people were already affected in the areas of job opportunities and job promotions due to the Sinhala only Act and the anti-Tamil sentiments.

Independent state policy replaces Federal system policy Only when Tamils realised that all these actions were destroying their identity, their feelings of Tamil nationalism gained strength. In 1976 at the Vaddukoddai conference the decision was taken to secede from Ceylon. The victory of the candidates who stood on the independent state ticket made the political views of the Tamils crystal clear.

The struggle for Tamil rights did not start with the demand for an independent state. Tamils original aim was to set up a political structure to share power within an undivided country in order to cherish Tamil language and culture and have equal opportunity in the economic life of the country. Not only that Tamils were actually opposed to the division of the country. In the 1970 election two candidates stood on the independent state policy in two electorates. They both lost the elections. In fact the Tamil Arasu party campaigned against the idea of dividing the country in 1970. This shows clearly that Tamils opposed the division of the country in 1970. But all of them were gradually pushed into adopting the independent state policy.

These Tamils held the view that although we have two separate, Tamil and Sinhala, socio-cultural history, and while preserving this uniqueness, at the national level we prefer the common identity as “Ceylonese” where all are treated as equals. However, the majority community at that time rejected this and promoted the idea that “Ceylonese = Sinhala Buddhists”.

The path to reach the goal The initial path taken by Tamils to achieve the goal was not by violence but through non-violence. But….

In 1956 Tamils protested the Sinhala only act through non-violent protests. Violence was used against these protesters. Sinhala thugs killed 150 people. In 1958 Tamils protested the abrogation of Banda-Chelva pact. Violence was prize given to them yet again. Roaming crowds killed hundreds of Tamils and houses and properties belonging Tamils were burned down.

When Tamils protested the Sinhala only act military was sent to Jaffna for the first time and at least one Tamil civilian was killed. Many others were injured. Tamil leaders and members of parliaments were arrested. Yet again the prize for non-violent struggle was violence.

In 1974 during the peaceful World Tamil Research conference violence by police resulted in the death of 9 Tamil civilians. After the 1977 elections (one month after) massive violence against Tamils was let loose and roaming crowds killed hundreds of Tamils within the first two weeks. After the 1977 violence against Tamils similar violence in mass scale took place against Tamils. The one in 1981 and 1983 were particularly vicious. Those in the government were also involved in this mass violence against Tamils. In the report about the situation in Ceylon prepared by International Jurists, Paul Seighart states the followng.

“The interval between these communal violence has been getting shorter and shorter. These incidents continue to take place throughout the country. The severity of these violent incidents has also been increasing. The killing of Tamils, seriously wounding them, stealing their property, and taking away their homes is all not independent incidents. They are becoming heinous regular occurrences…. One characteristic about all of the communal violence is that Tamil people have not taken revenge on the Sinhala people living amongst them. Therefore in each communal violence those who have died are Tamils.”

Armed struggle

Trust in non-violent struggle weakened and the view that armed struggle is the only available option gained strength among Tamils. In 1978 an armed group named “Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam” started among the Tamil youth. This group that started as a small guerrilla force in due course has grown into a strong conventional military force.

Role of the security forces

The Sinhala chauvinist political leadership used its military to crush the Tamil people’s struggle. The military that was purely a ceremonial outfit in due course had to work very hard to regain its good name in the international arena. Such is the cruelty lashed out by the military. Military is responsible for rape, torture, arbitrary arrest, extra judicial killing, involuntary disappearance and many other human rights violations. More than 65,000 innocent civilians died as a result of this military cruelty and indiscriminate bombing. There were no buildings left undamaged. Under the cover of the “Prevention of Terrorism” act every single human rights declared in the international human rights covenants and conventions were violated.

Thimbu talks in 1985

This talk was arranged by India with the aim of bringing the war to an end. All the Tamil representatives who took part in this talk put forward the following points, Tamils are a nation, their homeland is the continuous territory of northeast of Ceylon, and Tamils have the right to self-determination. Ceylon government rejected these points and the war intensified and dragged on.

Ceasefire agreement

LTTE came forward to sign this agreement from a position of military strength. But the selfish competitive political culture of south Ceylon blunted this effort. There are no signs that the day to day life of the Tamil people is going to improve. One of the hurdles for this is also the continued maintenance of the high security zones by the military. Farmland, fishing, schools and many other issues have not returned to normalcy.

Today

For the people affected by the tsunami destruction – to help the people affected by the tragedy that melted the hearts of people all around the world – to set up a very limited structure – that too a joint structure – there is no space. More than 50 years chauvinism has dried up the humanitarianism.

In conclusion

There is no grain of hope that this chauvinism will allow a just approach to find a solution to the Tamil people’s right. Therefore Tamil people are declaring in front of this gathering that they will safeguard their land with their own strength and determine their own future.

21 Jun 2005

Cometh the hour, cometh the person

My dear Podi Akka, Ayubowan, Vanakkam, Assalamu alaikkum and congratulations of the highest order for acting on the courage of your convictions after several months of going here, there and nowhere in a mud hole of indecision and vacillation. Your nationally televised speech to the Kandy rally last Thursday was a landmark in your political career. You said Sri Lanka was facing its moment of truth and in this defining period you were ready to take decisive decisions though the path may be difficult or dangerous. That’s the stuff that stateswomen are made of and history will give you more than an important chapter for taking decisions based on the wellbeing of the next generation and not for party gain or personal glory.

This week might be the long awaited and long delayed week of weeks, with Norweigian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen here for decisive and, hopefully, conclusive talks not only on the Tsunami Relief Council but also on the resumption of the peace process. The LTTE, in one of its most conciliatory statements, said the agreement with the government for the distribution of tsunami aid would be a vital step to rebuild the trust between the two parties and pave the way to resume the peace talks.

Last Thursday, the political landscape of the country was reshaped and redefined when the JVP stuck to its ultimatum and pulled out from the UPFA government. Whatever the positives or negatives of this pullout and breakup of the UPFA, the JVP has strengthened its credibility to the extent of sticking to its word in an era of broken promises when only words appear to be going cheap.

JVP leaders are insisting they will not return to the government because you appear to be determined to go ahead with the TRC and the signing of the agreement is likely to take place this week. But Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, in a typically confused package including his own interest or Presidential Election prospects and the common interest of the government, is not giving up hopes of reconciliation. With or without your knowledge or approval, he had called another meeting with JVP leaders who in the last days of the UPFA came out openly in support of Mr. Rajapakse’s Presidential campaign, though they too apparently had their own agenda.

As reportedly directed by you, the state media these days are giving extensive publicity to the work being done by your brother Anura Bandaranaike, apparently preparing the stage for you and him to announce his Presidential bid once the government crisis is sorted out. Mr. Rajapakse is perhaps painfully aware of this despite your verbal assurance to him that he would be the Presidential candidate. The trouble seems to be your credibility with even your written assurances being seriously doubted after you officially wrote to the Speaker that you would not dissolve parliament unless the then UNP government lost its majority, but followed it up six months later by doing what you had promised not to do.

Rebuilding you credibility is a long and difficult process with even LTTE political wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan saying recently that your promises and sincerity seem to be as fragile as sand castles. The Tsunami Relief Council and the peace process now provide an opportunity for you to rebuild your credibility and rebuild trust with the LTTE and the party.

The first victim of the UPFA breakup was Western Province Chief Minister Reginold Cooray, now one of your closes confidants and cheer squad leaders. He resigned on Sunday when it became obvious that the no confidence motion against him in the WPC would be passed. The UNP which is now the largest single party in the WPC has staked the claim to form the administration but governor Alavi Moulana – another confidant, is likely to take some other course of action. Parliament also meets today amidst typically conflicting, confusing and contradictory reports as to what might happen. Being strong in a storm you insisted in your speech last Thursday that the withdrawal of the JVP would not destabilize or weaken the government, though the Opposition numbers in parliament are overloaded and overflowing. Despite all the negatives, with some analysts saying the only certainty today is the uncertainty, one important positive factor is that for the first time since independence the two major parties, the PA and the UNP are taking a common stand on the Tsunami Relief Council and the peace process. This is a crucial factor and it needs to be built on because it could turn out to be the foundation of rock which you referred to recently when stressing the need for peace and justice based on equality and respect for the multi-religious and multi-racial nature of our country.

In 1959, 1966 and 1986 when the then governments tried to work out what they saw as a just and fair solution with the Tamil-speaking community, the other major party led a strong campaign opposing it till the process was sabotaged or sidelined. If we look at the most recent instance - in 1986, we see how the JVP made a historical mistake, which it still does not acknowledge, while the SLFP led the opposition to the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord and the Provincial Councils which flowed from it.

It was the JVP which set the country ablaze and set the fuse for the reign of terror from 1987 to 1989. The JVP then insisted, as it does now, that the Provincial Councils would violate Sri Lanka’s sovereignty or territorial integrity and lead to a division of the country. Today, the Provincial Councils are widely seen as expensive absurdities though the JVP is a key player in seven of the councils. If Provincial Councils were like machine- guns, then, in comparison, the TRC is like a water pistol. But even plastic pistols, as we saw in the case of Polgahawela’s plastic Dracula, could be used for gimmicks, hoaxes or terrorism and even religious terrorism.

As Reginold Cooray asked in a TV show: What is the difference between the LTTE’s suicide bomb or cyanide pill and the death fasts we saw recently? If suicide bombs amount to political terrorism then are we now seeing religious terrorism? If one person is allowed to change the course of history according to his or her relative perception, if not bigotry, then what’s the use of democracy and elections with the process of consultation, consensus and compromise?

Amidst all this you need to now show the country that to make war is easy but to make peace is much more difficult.

Yours sincerely,
Koththamalli

21 Jun 2005

Hakeem deceived Muslims - MNA

Leader of the Muslim National Alliance (MNA) Hafiz Nazeer Ahmed said Rauf Hakeem's call for unity of Muslims for representation in the Apex Body of the Joint Mechanism was a sham and a ruse to deceive the community at which he has become an expert, states a Muslim National Council press release.

Speaking to a group of Muslims an astonished Ahmed said he believed that this was a ploy by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader to increase his numbers in Parliament so that he could cut for himself a better bargain at the expense of the community and secure his position in the event of a snap poll. Elaborating further Ahmed said the Muslim community and more especially the youth were aware that numbers alone in parliament could not win the rights of the Muslims as was proven in the past.

The Peace Process came into being in the UNF government of which the SLMC was a coalition partner but in spite of attending six conferences Rauf Hakeem could not win the demand for a separate representation for the Muslims. Hakeem would promise the party members and the community that he would secure the right to participate as a separate delegation at the subsequent conference, but he deceived the party and the community for six consecutive conferences. The Muslim community is aware that Hakeem did not keep to his word because he was dancing to the tune of the Norwegians and was not concerned about the community.

Explaining the current political scenario he said the JVP gave up all privileges when they quit the government to oppose the Joint Mechanism because they believed the accord was detrimental to the nation. they took to the streets to explain their stand and for what they believed was right. On the other side of the spectrum the TNA supported the JM because they believed that it was good for their community. 'But my brother Rauf Hakeem did not spell out his stand on the issue and now calls for unity in spite of claiming 70% of the Muslim vote in the North and East. If he had this backing why then did he not agitate for Muslim representation in the Joint Mechanism?' asked a puzzled Ahmed.

Questioning Hakeem's motives he wondered why he did not accept a proposal for the 'Leaders Council Concept' mooted by the rebels in his party if he was genuine in his call for Muslim unity. "The SLMC constitution was tailor-made for the late Mr. M.H.M. Ahsraf to suit the peculiar circumstances that prevailed then and Hakeem has abused the constitution using it to serve his own agenda."

A bemused Nazeer said that he couldn't fathom Hakeem's call for Muslim unity. "One day he sacks members from the party and the next day he calls for unity". He retorted that he had made this superficial call to boost his standing and that if Hakeem were sincere he should have spelled out his proposals on the JM in no uncertain terms by now.Wimal, Nandana to take front-row with Ranil

21 Jun 2005

UNP, JVP compromise on seating in House by Shamindra Ferdinando

The UNP is cooperating with the JVP on seating arrangements in parliament, The Island learns. Parliament meets today for the first time after the JVP quit the government on June 16, as part of its protests against, what JVP heavyweight and parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa termed, President Chandrika Kumaratunga's unilateral action.

Well informed political sources revealed that the UNP had agreed to accommodate about 25 JVP MPs, including Wimal Weerawansa and Kalutara district MP Nandana Gunatilleke, on their side.Weerawansa and Gunatilleke, both members of the JVP decision-making politburo would take seats in the front row with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.The two parties are believed to have discussed the seating arrangements unofficially.Wickremesinghe has revealed the proposed arrangement when he addressed his parliamentary group on Monday afternoon.The JVP's decision to function as an independent group within the opposition has raised the number of opposition MPs to 142 of the 225-member parliament. There are 116 seats on either side.

The UNP has ruled out the possibility of accommodating the entire JVP parliamentary group. "Some of them would have to sit with ruling party MPs," a senior UNPer said, revealing that about 25 UNP backbenchers, too, would have to sit on the other side.Some have expressed fears that this would be politically disadvantageous as President Kumaratunga would try to trap them. Wickremesinghe dismissed this belief, he said. "Anyone who wanted to join the ruling party at this juncture would have to have his head examined," Wickremesinghe had told Monday's parliamentary group.Parliament authorities have ruled out the possibility of making the required alterations to allow the entire JVP parliamentary group to sit together. The UNP group had also decided not to comment on the proposed Joint Mechanism aka Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) and Tsunami Relief Council (TRC). The group is of the belief that party leader Wickremesinghe should handle the issue. Wickremesinghe, after recently assuring Kumaratunga that he wouldn't take advantage of the crisis triggered by her decision to go ahead with the proposed arrangement, has refused to support a move to present the Joint Mechanism in parliament. Political sources said that this has upset Kumaratunga's plan. The UNP has urged Kumaratunga to finalise the aid sharing deal and then bring it before the Parliament.

Meanwhile the 12-member UNP political affairs committee is scheduled to meet today to discuss strategies, including the crisis at the Western Provincial Council. Karu Jayasuriya, Mahinda Samarasinghe, G. L. Peiris, Malik Samarawickrema, Weragoda (party secretary), Tissa Attanayake, P. Dayaratne, Gamini Jayawickrema Perera, Laskshman Seenviratne and Kabir Hashim are expected to join today's discussion. S. B. Dissanayake, a key member of this committee is serving a two year term of rigorous imprisonment for contempt of court.

LTTE's political wing leader S. P. Thamilselvan has reiterated the President's stance that the proposed Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) was not a political agreement but an administrative arrangement to grant relief to December 26 Tsunami survivors. In an interview with AFP while requesting that tsunami relief not be politicised, he said working with the Government to distribute foreign aid could build confidence among the warring parties. He said the LTTE was prepared for a joint distribution of tsunami relief to those affected by the boxing day catastrophe. He underscored that the proposed P-TOMS which the President had backed publicly was not part of the Norwegian backed peace process but could be a useful confidence-building measure.

"It is purely for the administration of post tsunami aid," Thamilselvan said. According to him, this has no direct link to the peace process but could be a confidence-building measure to take the peace process forward. Meanwhile barring the JVP there is universal support for the proposed P-TOMS with the larger masses of Sri Lankans, Chief Sangha Nayakes together with the international community are backing it to the hilt.

British Minister for Development Gareth Thomas who was in Sri Lanka last week said there was no secrecy of Britain's support for P-TOMS. "We hope the P-TOMS will be established soon to ensure equal aid distribution in the South, North and East to benefit survivors of the tsunami," he said. Meanwhile, traditional left parties came out strongly in support of the proposed P-TOMS, holding the view that the protests of a few should not be allowed to undermine the will of the majority of the people who wants this arrangement implemented.

LSSP Acting Secretary Wimalasiri de Mel observed it had been the country's misfortune that whenever governments in power attempt to grant some form of concession to the minorities, it is stifled by chauvinistic forces. "We urge the President to proceed with establishing the P-TOMS disregarding whatever the opposition to ensure an equitable distribution of tsunami assistance to the affected people," he said. Communist Party Deputy Secretary General S. Sudhasinghe wanted the speedy establishment of P-TOMS, saying while helping immensely to relieve the tsunami affected people of their sufferings, it would also serve as a bridge to build confidence between the warring parties.

Meanwhile, New Left Front leader Wickramabahu Karunaratne said, "we should grab even a semblance of an opportunity to get the LTTE into the political mainstream and P-TOMS offered that opportunity while also leading to the wider field of peace talks." He said the campaign launched against P-TOMS by the chauvinist forces should be defeated at all costs."Is the JHU saying that we should not provide relief to tsunami victims in the North and East?" the NLF leader queried.

Democratic Left Front Leader Vasudeva Nanayakkara noted that the establishment of P-TOMS was a democratic act and that those hardliners including the JHU who consider this as a crime should take responsibility for the present chaos in the country. He said if we fail to forge unity among all communities, there is nothing to prevent Sri Lanka breaking up like India-Pakistan and North-South Cyprus. President of the Government Service Trade Union Federation W. H. Piyadasa said his members were fully supportive of the P-TOMS and urged the Government to sign the document without delay.

Helgesen arrives in Sri Lanka for talks on aid deal
Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Mr Vidar Helgesen arrived in Colombo at 3.45pm today at the Bandaranayake International Air port and was received by the Norwegian Ambassador Hans Braksttar at the airport, sources from Colombo said. His flight arrived two hours late. The Norwegian embassy in Colombo said that Mr.Helgesen will first meet Sri Lanka's President Chandrika Bandarnaike Kumaratunge Tuesday morning. On Wednesday Helgesen will fly to Killinochchi to meet the LTTE's political wing leader S.P. Thamilchelvan.

Mr.Helgessen will discuss on the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (PTOMS) with the President and the LTTE leaders, and his visit is expected to sources said. Helgesen is also expected to travel to Kalmunai and Amparai to see the Tsunami hit areas. However, embassy sources said his visit to the east has not yet been finalized.

Spotlight: The cover-up of Sivaram's murder By: Frederica Jansz, Dharisha Bastians and Easwaran Rutunam Source: The Sunday Leader - June 19, 2005 Police sleuths investigating the murder of journalist Dharmaratnam Sivaram have received orders from a top cop to stop the investigation after police made a vital breakthrough which began to point fingers at the leader of a paramilitary group and a political party affiliated to the government. Director, Colombo Crimes Division (CCD), SSP Sarath Lugoda denies he has received orders from his superior to halt the investigation and insists if it appears the police investigation is proceeding at snail's pace it is because "for reasons of national security we have to be careful."

Beyond that Lugoda will not elaborate. The cop for some reason is maintaining the police arrested two suspects in connection with Sivaram's killing on June 13. However, The Sunday Leader has evidence this is not the case. The two suspects were taken in for questioning by the CCD on Friday, June 3.It is after this that Lugoda received instructions to soft-peddle his probe, which he agreed to do, until The Sunday Leader, having been informed of the arrests on Friday, June 3 carried a lead story on June 5 stating police had cracked Sivaram's murder plot.

Attempts to hush up the probe However, despite holding details of the investigation, The Sunday Leader on June 5 promised not to publish them until all suspects are arrested and pledged to disclose the full police investigation only if any attempt was made to hush the probe. The Sunday Leader has since learnt such attempts are being made and in the name of justice, today brings before the public these findings which are now obscured as a result of a disgraceful attempt to allow Sivaram's killers to walk free.

Two weeks ago a police team led by Lugoda resorting to high tech telephone technology succeeded in tracing the location of the SIM card belonging to Sivaram's mobile phone to an Indian made four wheel drive vehicle. As previously reported, each time Sivaram's mobile phone number 0777-311380 was dialed after his murder, it continued to ring, proving the phone was being charged and used by someone. Seeking the assistance of experts at Dialog GSM, the police were able to crack the case by tracing the location of the SIM card via a tracking system called 'triangular technology.'

The Indian made Scorpio vehicle bearing number WP HT 6276 in which the SIM card was found belongs to D. Siddarthan, leader of PLOTE. However, when The Sunday Leader checked the records at the Department of Registration of Motor Vehicles, we found that the vehicle bearing this number is registered at the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs, Ward Place, Colombo 7. Police claim they acted fast, arresting two men from a house in Maharagama. However, according to another source, the two suspects were arrested in Wellawatte. The source claims police stating the place of the arrests as Maharagama is part of the police cover-up.

The first suspect found to actually be in possession of Sivaram's SIM card was Arumugam Sriskandarajah alias Peter, employed in the capacity of a driver to Siddarthan. Sriskandarajah is a former military wing leader of PLOTE, who also holds a Norwegian passport and is the Colombo area organiser for PLOTE. The second suspect was Veluthan Nallanather. He had been present at the Maharagama house when police arrived and was also taken in for questioning. Sriskandarajah has been a member of the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) since the early 1980s. He was involved in the infamous coup staged in the Maldives in 1983 and as a result, he was subsequently jailed for a period of five and half years. Police later released Nallanather as no evidence could be found linking him to Sivaram's murder.

Sriskandarajah when questioned under pressure admitted he had been using the SIM card of Sivaram's phone but only because he had been told to do so by one 'Raju,' whom Sriskandarajah claimed is an associate who had "borrowed" Siddarthan's vehicle on April 27, the day before Sivaram was abducted and murdered.Sriskandarajah claims when 'Raju' returned the vehicle he had done so together with a SIM card which he had requested Sriskandarajah to use to monitor all incoming phone calls. According to Lugoda, Sriskandara-jah maintains when he was not using the SIM card to monitor the calls he kept it concealed wrapped in a piece of paper in his trouser pocket. However, The SIM card was really found concealed inside the pocket of a diary, which was found in the Scorpio jeep.

Police took the vehicle, Sriskandarajah and Nallanather into custody on Friday, June 3. The Sunday Leader broke the story on Sunday, June 5. As a result, on Monday, June 6, despite having received orders by then to halt the investigation or to ensure it did not embarrass the government in any manner the police reopened the probe and filed a report in court. The Sunday Leader in the June 5 article also revealed that a trail left by the murderers led to the unearthing of vital evidence. That evidence was the recovery of the SIM card in Siddarthan's vehicle on June 3. The police however now claim the SIM was detected only last week.

Still, the cops never thought it necessary to question Siddarthan. To date they continue to hold his vehicle in custody but are yet to ask the PLOTE leader a single question. That is two weeks after taking his vehicle into custody together with Sivaram's SIM card. Surprisingly, the PLOTE Leader too has not so much as asked the police why his vehicle was being held.

Cops yet to question Siddarthan According to Lugoda, questioning the PLOTE leader is on the cards. The cop however refused to officially confirm if indeed the Scorpio vehicle belongs to Siddarthan. He would only say, "It is in the name of a former military group leader." All our attempts to contact Siddarthan failed. Curiously, the PLOTE leader has to date not asked that the police return his vehicle to him. The question is this. Surely, Sriskandarajah could not have lent Siddarthan's vehicle without first seeking his permission?

Even more confusing is why free-lance journalist Kusal Perera up to the point of this article going into print had not been contacted by the police to identify the vehicle now in their custody. After all, Perera remains a key witness to Sivaram's abduction and is in a position to give even a sketchy description of the vehicle into which Sivaram was bundled that fateful night. According to Perera, the vehicle was a super luxury vehicle, which Perera maintains was silver-grey in colour with its spare wheel fitted on the rear of the vehicle sheathed in a silver-grey casing. "It looked a brand new, luxurious and expensive vehicle," Perera said, admitting however that his knowledge of vehicles is too limited to have been able to immediately identify its make.

The vehicle Nevertheless, Perera maintains that up to Friday, June 17, SSP Lugoda and his men never contacted him to help identify the vehicle they now hold. The Sunday Leader photograph of the vehicle now in police custody proves there is no spare wheel fitted to its rear. Another witness to the abduction had told police the vehicle into which Sivaram was forced was a Mitsubishi Montero.The Sunday Leader has reliable information that Siddarthan's vehicle was the backup vehicle used the night Sivaram was killed. The vehicle that transported Sivaram to the Japan-Friendship Road where he was shot was another super luxury four-wheel drive, silver-grey in colour.

This maybe why Perera has still not been called by police to help identify the vehicle since they are aware it is not the one that carried Sivaram's murderers. Lugoda maintains that Perera's description of the vehicle is far too vague to help make a positive identification. He insists that irrespective of the political figures involved, the police will continue their investigations. However, his one revealing statement that for reasons of national security he has to handle this case with great care proves that apart from Siddarthan, there may well be other political figures involved. The Sunday Leader in fact learns there is another Tamil politician now affiliated with the government who is a key suspect. Lugoda maintains the police is looking for three other individuals not connected to PLOTE who are also suspects in Sivaram's murder. Another PLOTE member code named RR is also evading the police net.

PLOTE operations

It has been an open secret that PLOTE has over these last two decades served as a para military force to Sri Lanka's security forces. More recently PLOTE offices in Vavuniya, Batticaloa and other pockets of the north east have been used by Karuna forces. It is PLOTE Mohan (killed last year) who functioned out of the controversial Athurugiriya safe house at Millennium City - fed, clothed and on the pay roll of the Sri Lanka Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence.

The intention of the police is to now claim the murder suspects' trail ends with Siddarthan's driver who on his own volition loaned the vehicle to 'Raju.' That is the cover up to ensure the trail ends with Sriskandarajah. 'Raju' of course has conveniently disappeared given the two week siesta the police took on the instructions of a top cop.Over the years, the human rights watchdog, Amnesty International has repeatedly appealed to the government to control an upsurge in arrests, 'disappearances' and torture linked to paramilitary activity in areas of the north and east of Sri Lanka. "PLOTE, paid and armed by the government, has been perpetuating a pattern of systematic abuses," the organisation once said, in a letter to President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

"The continued high level of human rights violations in the Vavuniya District is bolstered by the practices that have developed between the Tamil armed groups, particularly PLOTE, and the armed forces. The armed forces can claim no improvement in the human rights situation until it can exercise control over paramilitary activity," Amnesty International complained.

SSP Lugoda says police probe is on Director, Colombo Crimes Division, SSP Sarath Lugoda told The Sunday Leader the suspects, the jeep and the tell-tale SIM card were all taken into custody on June 13. He said investigators found the SIM card in the trouser pocket of one of the suspects, Armugam Sri Skandarajah. The arrests of Sriskandarajah and the other suspect Veluthan Nallanather, who was subsequently released, were made at the former's home in Maharagama. Details about the exact whereabouts of his home cannot be divulged for security reasons, Lugoda added. According to SSP Lugoda, Sriskandarajah's connection to PLOTE Leader, Siddarthan and his current employment position was still being investigated.

One witness called in to identify the jeep taken into custody by the CCD has maintained this was not the vehicle in which Sivaram's abductors made their getaway on April 28. SSP Lugoda says the other witnesses including Kusal Perera will be called in to the CCD within the next few days to identify the jeep. However, Lugoda says their most reliable witness' account said the jeep used to abduct Sivaram was a Mitsubishi Montero, with the registration number beginning with WP G 11. The witness, he said, had noted the Mitsubishi logo on the spare tyre cover on the back of the getaway vehicle.

Lugoda is critical of Kusal Perera's testimony, saying he was at the time in the best possible position to note down the details of the vehicle and go across to the Bambalapitiya police station with it. The restaurant that Perera and Sivaram had just left stands opposite the police station. According to the CCD Director, their investigations would have been made much simpler if Perera had gone across and tipped the police off straight away.

"If he had done that, instead of getting into a three wheeler and going off home, the police would have been able to tip off all the stations along the route the jeep took and all those in the surrounding areas as well. He was standing right next to Sivaram and had turned away only for a minute when the abductors bundled him into the vehicle. He was in the best position to note down details and alert the police immediately. Instead, it was other witnesses that gave us more information," said Lugoda. The jeep in CCD custody is silver in colour, and that at least ties in with the statements of all the witnesses. Lugoda declined giving the names of the remaining suspects to be arrested, saying it would hamper their investigations if the suspects were to go into hiding.

He added for reasons of national security, more information the CCD investigators had in their possession could not be divulged to the media. Responding to whether higher authorities had ordered a "go-slow" on the investigation and asked the CCD to refrain from causing the names of political parties to be dragged in, Lugoda denied this, saying investigations were proceeding and they were trying to complete it as soon as possible. "We have to be cautious for reasons of national security. It makes no difference about political parties, whoever is believed to be involved will be taken into custody," he asserted.

Tracing Sivaram's SIM card

The Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) used the Global Positioning System (GPS) of Sivaram's mobile phone operator, Dialog Telekom Limited, to trace the location of his SIM card. The GPS technology is a form of location detection in which cell phone towers help GPS satellites fix a cell phone caller's position. Police, fire, and ambulance services can use the system to track down cell phone callers in an emergency. When the police dialed Sivaram's mobile phone after his abduction, the phone rang continually although it was not picked up and the phone operator was able to identify the approximate locality of the SIM card using the GPS technology.

Dialog traced the SIM card to the closest tower of the operator to where the SIM was at the time the phone rang and also obtained the EMI number of the phone via the SIM card. EMI is a unique identification number of mobile phones and the EMI number of the phone that was ringing revealed it was not the one used by Sivaram before his abduction. Using a triangular system the phone operator informed the police of the locality of the SIM. The police then launched a search operation around the Dialog tower closest to where the SIM card was to nab the culprits.

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Aid can help restart peace talks- S.Lanka rebels

Sri Lanka's plan to share $3.0 billion in international tsunami aid with the Tamil Tigers could help jumpstart peace talks that broke down two years ago and left the island's two-decade civil war in limbo, the rebels say.

But the government, which senior officials say will formalise the aid-sharing pact in days, must also agree to discuss the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's (LTTE) long-standing demands for interim self-rule in the north and east, S.P. Thamilselvan, the leader of the rebels' political wing, told Reuters.

"Most certainly we welcome such a gesture from the government to sign (the joint mechanism)," Thamilselvan said in a weekend interview in the northern rebel stronghold of Kilinochchi. "Implementation is the most important aspect. "Immediately after implementation, if sincere action is taken, well and good, it will open the way for the peace process," he added in his native Tamil through a translator.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga's government this week split over the aid pact plan when her hardline Marxist ally quit the ruling coalition and reduced it to a hamstrung minority in parliament. But the government is seen limping on for now. Sri Lanka's main party for the minority Muslim community said Saturday that the government had failed to address Muslim concerns in the proposed joint mechanism deal with the Tamil Tigers.

Muslims have valid concerns on the deal as a large number of Muslims are among the victims of the Dec. 26 tsunami last year.

Rauff Hakeem, leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) told reporters here that Muslims have valid concerns on the deal as a large number of Muslims are among the victims of the Dec. 26 tsunami last year. A joint mechanism is to be entered between President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam rebels to ensure equitable distribution of tsunami relief in the Tamil regions in Northern and Eastern provinces.

Muslims are majority in some areas of Eastern province devastated along the coastal line. Hakeem, however, said his party would not take to streets against the move. Kumaratunga's main coalition partner, the JVP had already left the government over the dispute on the issue. The SLMC, which sits in the opposition benches, has six seats in the 225-member parliament after four of their total number of 10 defected to Kumaratunga's government. Hakeem said Muslim representatives must be included in the mechanism in order to cater to the Muslim interests in the Muslim majority areas.

Sri Lanka Prime Minister attempts to rebuild UPFA
In a bid to rebuild the broken UPFA, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has invited the JVP leadership for a meeting next Wednesday.

Informed sources said the Premier made the invitation when he phoned JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva and Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa.

It is also learnt that the JVP has agreed to meet the Premier to discuss the issue. This would be the first meeting after the JVP left the government last Wednesday. The Premier has decided to meet the JVPers following a three-hour meeting with senior government ministers at the Temple Trees. At the meeting, the group unanimously decided that all participants should meet the JVPers.

MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardena, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda and Cabinet Ministers John Seneviratne, Susil Premajayantha, Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, A.H.M. Fowzie and Rohitha Bogollagama were present at the meeting.

RSF welcomes arrest in Sivaram case

The Paris-based international press freedom organization Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) yesterday said it welcomes the arrest of a suspect in the murder case of Dharmaratnam Sivaram, alias Taraki, editor of the news website TamilNet. The group urged the Sri Lankan government to step up its efforts in the investigation.

RSF’s Asia-Pacific spokesperson Vincent Brossel told foreign media, “After more than a month and a half of inactivity, police appear to have made progress in their investigation into the abduction and murder of D. Sivaram by arresting a man found with the chip from the journalist's mobile phone. Four men seized the 46-year-old journalist on 28 April as he was leaving a Colombo bar with friends just a few metres from the Bambalapitiya police station.”

While welcoming the arrest, RSF stressed that it was essential to identify the killers and the instigators of the murder and to determine the motive for killing one of the country’s best known Tamil journalists. The organisation said it expected police to inform the press about the latest developments and to leave no stone unturned in pursuing their inquiries.

Finance Minister lashes out at those who attack TRB for North and EastFinance Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama

Finance Minister lashes out at those who attack TRB for North and EastFinance Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama yesterday attacking those who oppose the government for measures taken to run the country efficiently said by shouting slogans and by growing beards the country could not be developed.

“Those who shout ‘withdraw’ this and withdraw that think they can develop the country by growing beards. Do they at least have the knowledge to even run a village cigar boutique? You can’t develop a country by smashing coconuts at various places, offering flowers and staging fasts,” he said speaking at a SLFP meeting at Negombo jubilee hall.

“We are a small country. Before J.R Jayawardene’s Indo-Lanka accord India interfered a lot in Sri Lanka. The Jatika Hela Urumaya had not done even an iota of a service to the country. They try to become card board ‘Sumangalas’ by holding placards. Athuraliye Rathana thera should be given the ‘Sarasaviya Award’ for his acts in misleading the people,” he said.

“The international community has given a large amount of aid to provide relief to tsunami affected people. Now the international community is looking at us with wide open eyes whether a part of that money will also be given to the affected people in the north and the east. If a powerful international army comes to Sri Lanka are these bearded comrades going to fight them with ‘galkatas’ and catapults?” he said.

“ Will the Tamil people have any more trust in the government if we are against plans to repair their wells, schools, and roads of innocent people in the north and the east who were affected by the tsunami. The monks are staging their fasts in Colombo. We will provide all facilities for the JHU monks if they can go to Jaffna and do their fast unto death campaigns at a location there. I challenge them to do that. They are afraid to go beyond Anuradhapura. They do all these among the Sinhala people” the minister said.

Dr. Amunugama said Tsunami Relief Boardl would be established only to facilitate the rehabilitation of tsunami affected people. It could only operate within a 2 kilometre coastal belt. The LTTE which fought for a separate state had now come down to accept this proposal instead of their demand for a federal solution and an autonomous region.

‘This government will go forward. No one should have any fear about that. The government will take all steps to pass the Tsunami Relief Board in parliament and implement it. We have given employment to 40,000 unemployed graduates. In the past graduates who went asking for jobs were put in the jail. If there are more fasts this country would not get any aid. The same thing will happen if there are religious and racial clashes,” the minister said.

This was announced in Chennai on Wednesda by Sethusamudram Corporation Limited (SCL) Chairman and Managing Director N. K. Raghupathy. The venue for the function is likely to be either Ramanathapuram, where most of the work will be undertaken, or Tuticorin, where the concept of the channel was conceived, or Madurai, a centrally located place in Tamil Nadu.

The date and venue for the function will be finalized by the Indian Government shortly. Preparations for the function are in full swing, and the Tuticorin Port Trust (the nodal agency for the project, is ready to hold the function at short notice, Raghupathy said.Asked about the project's environmental aspects, he said all the concerns, including those raised by Sri Lanka, have been addressed. The Indian Ministry of Environment and Forests has laid down stringent conditions while granting approval for the project, he added.

Raghupathy will shortly chair a pre-bid meeting with leading dredging firms, including Jan De Nul, Dredging International, Royal Boskalis Westminster, and the Dredging Corporation of India (DCI). The DCI will be awarded a portion of the work on a nomination basis, but will be paid on a par with the rates finalized in the tender for the rest of the contract, he explained.

Shipping Minister TR Baalu has directed the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) and the Indian Coast Guards to ensure tight arrangements are made for land and sea security. He has also requested the Ministry of Railways to run three special trains to the venue of the foundation laying ceremony---one from Coimbatore and two from Chennai---to enable people to participate in the event. The canal's project office will be located at Rameswaram. To augment fishing activity in the region, it is proposed to develop harbours at Rameswaram, Mallipattinam, Nagapattinam, Sethubavachathram, and Thondi. The central government has plans to develop Rameswaram or Mandapam as a minor port for maintenance of ships and berthing small vessels.

The project was first conceived way back in 1860 by the then British commander AD Taylor of Indian Marines. It opens up a channel for ships ferrying between Indians eastern and western coasts to avoid going around Sri Lanka. At present, India does not have a continuous navigable route within its own waters. The project will link the Arabian Sea with the Bay of Bengal by dredging shallow waters to the north of Sri Lanka to create a navigable canal across the Gulf of Mannar, Palk Bay and Palk Straits. It will cost 24.27 billion Indian rupees (about US$560 million). Its length will be 167km, and breadth 300metres. The canal's depth will be 14.5 metres deep to allow ships with draught of up to 65,000 DWT to cross.

The project is expected to be completed in three and a half years

President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga addressing the Maha Sangha convention held at the BMICH last night.
Pictures by Sudath Malaweera

PRESIDENT Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga received a warm response from over a thousand Buddhists monks, as she spelled out contents of the proposed Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) at the Maha Sangha convention at the BMICH last night. President Kumaratunga addressing the gathering stressed that as requested by the Mahanayakes of the Three Chapters, the P-TOMS will be brought before Parliament and it will be in the form of a motion. "It will not be a Bill or Regulation as misinterpreted by some of the media." She assured the clergy that there was no need to panic or create chaos situations in the country since there was nothing dubious in the operational structure.

The Government has no intention of hiding the contents from members of the Maha Sangha or the public. It was only on April 29, the Government received a definitive positive response from the LTTE for the P-TOMS. Accordingly it was decided to inform of the basic contents of the operational structure to partners of the coalition, she said. Explaining the contents of the P-TOMS, the President said that it is only a five page document outlining two main objectives applicable only to a two km coastal belt in six districts in the North-East.

A section of the Maha Sangha at the convention Pictures by Sudath Malaweera

The first objective will be to identify the tsunami affected institutions, schools, roads, etc in each district and to present the proposed restructuring plans and estimates to the Government. The second objective met by the P-TOMS will be to observe the smooth running of the development activities and to report to relevant authorities of any corruption or misuse of funds, the President said. Accordingly with the normal procedure, funds will be released by the Treasury, she said.

"How can such a simple operational structure which has lesser number of powers than of a Pradeshiya Sabha and with a life span of one year affect the country's sovereignty, questioned the President. She said: "It was the JVP that introduced terrorism into this country in 1971 with an insurrection. They have now moved onto democratic politics, so why not give LTTE a chance?" The President asked with as many as 28,000 Buddhist monks supporting the P-TOMS, how could she bow to dictates of 250-500 monks.

Former President J.R. Jayewardene brought in a new constitution with wide executive powers secretly without going before the people, while Ranil Wickremesinghe signed the ceasefire with the LTTE similarly, she said.

Dropping P-TOMS will be biggest betrayal of the country: President By Kelum Bandara

President Chandrika Kumaratunga said yesterday that they would not give up the proposed Post- Tsunami Operational Managerial Structure (P-TOMS) due to the objection of a handful of Bhikkus and a certain political party.

Addressing the conference held at the BMICH to educate the Maha Sangha about the P-TOMS, President Kumaratunga said that only about 500 Bhikkus out of the total 28,000 in the country and one political party opposes this mechanism and therefore it would be the greatest betrayal of the country to give into their opposition.

“Democracy means 51 percent. Majority of people in the country are peace loving. We have to mobilize their support. It will be the biggest betrayal of the country if we give up this chance due to the pressure from a handful, especially because this is a golden opportunity found in pursuit of a permanent solution to the country’s national question,’ she said. She said the ceasefire could last only for about another two years and therefore a solution to the problem should be found through negotiations, which was the best available means in the effort.

Referring to the JVP criticizing the government for signing the mechanism with a terrorist organization like the LTTE, she said that the JVP was the first to adopt terrorist politics in the country. She said the LTTE also had learnt to take arms after the JVP insurrection in 1971. “No one can wage war. Warring is also impossible not only for us but also for the LTTE. Their organization has been split into groups now. We should now utilize this opportunity to solve the problem,” she said.

She said that the proposed mechanism would be presented to Parliament not as an act but as a proposal on the request of Mahanayake Theras, though it was not needed to be presented in Parliament. She also said that the economy would collapse if the country reverts back to war. Ven. Kumburugamue Vijiragnana Thera, Ven. Baddegama Samitha Thera and others also spoke at the occasion.

Dissolution looms as Govt. loses parliamentary majority

The inevitable has happened. For some, the break-up in the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) happened much earlier than expected, having lasted only a little more than a year and five months. However, the seeds of discord were present from the very beginning as it was obvious that the SLFP and the JVP would have to part ways when it came to addressing crucial and substantial issues such as the peace process and economic reforms. These issues were either hushed up or referred to in very vague terms in the “Rata Perata” policy programme.

This was one reason why the P-TOMS hit a snag and brought about the ultimate breakdown of the Alliance. It was an accident waiting to happen at some point since in no way could President Chandrika Kumaratunga have proceeded with the peace process in this manner. The SLFP spoke of devolution of power and the JVP of decentralisation of administration. The way out was for the view of the majority to prevail. But could the President go for referenda at every twist and turn in the peace process? Putting the final solution before the people for approval is one thing, but it will be a joke if referenda are to be held on every decision on the way to the final solution. This shows the impracticality of the alliance agreement. The main protagonists behind the SLFP-JVP marriage which took place with much fanfare at the BMICH, complete with Kevum, Kiribath and tom-tom beating, would have never expected it to end in a bitter exchange of words as happened over the last two weeks. Ultimately, when the break-up of the UPFA was announced by the JVP at a media conference on Thursday, the two chief matchmakers – Anura Bandaranaike and Mangala Samaraweera were not even in the country; having taken wing to China the previous day.

If we take a look at the UPFA’s “Rata Perata” document, it makes little mention of the two most important issues facing the country, economic reforms and the peace process; giving prominence to peripheral matters and harping on unfoundedly perceived threats such as the sale of the Sigiriya Rock Citadel, the Sinharaja forest and the Galle Fort. A cursory glance of the document reveals that the main intention of it was to arouse xenophobic fears prevalent among a majority of the lower middle classes and create a false sense of pride among the people. The failure of the alliance has proved that a government cannot live on such empty rhetoric alone without addressing the burning problems. It is now clear that the only intention of the Freedom Alliance was to defeat the UNP which was taking the country forward on a neo-liberal policy agenda.

For many political observers this was obvious as the “Rata Perata” policy programme only reflected the regressive, ethnocentric ideology of the JVP which is only good at arousing passions in the hearts of the people and inept at putting food into their bellies. It did not portray the modernist liberal makeover given to the SLFP by President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mangala Samaraweera. Therefore, the Alliance could not move around parallel to requirements of the present world order without a serious clash between the President and the JVP.

The JVP’s decision to leave the government immediately after the P-TOMS is signed was taken at a politburo meeting several weeks ago. At that time the view of many politburo members was that by being in the government the JVP was losing its credibility and that they could not remain with the government anymore if it entered into any agreement with the LTTE. The JVP felt that it could not bring about a sudden change in its attitude towards the peace process and the ceasefire agreement deviating from its nationalistic stance which had provided them with a large vote base among the traditional nationalistic polity.

Therefore, the JVP’s aim was to prevent the President from going ahead with the P-TOMS by staging protests and agitation campaigns around the country. However, the JHU which is in eternal competition with the JVP, pre-empted it and began the agitations first with a fast-unto-death campaign by Venerable Omalpe Sobitha Thera. Not to be outdone, the JVP also got its Bhikku wing, the National Bhikku Front, to stage a fast unto death by one of its member’s, Venerable Dambara Amila, in front of the Fort Railway Station. However, both these fasts did not create much of an upheaval among the majority of the Sinhala Buddhists who were not swayed by what was happening. Only the party members were excited and were protesting while the silent majority of the Sinhala Buddhists was looking with derision at what they perceived as a slight on Buddhism itself. The Mahanayaka Theras too did not support the fast and worked with the President to calm down the situation.

Therefore, both monks had to give up the fast without achieving anything and making the President more resolute in going ahead with the P-TOMs in the face of adversity. For Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Thera, the face saving was provided by the Mahanayaka Theras, while the JVP’s Dambara Amila Thera was taken to hospital by pretending that he was forcibly removed by the police. However photographs in the newspapers show him being lifted into an ambulance by the monks themselves while the police just look on.

Meanwhile, a synopsis of the P-TOMS document was exclusively published in the “Daily Mirror” on Monday. Many government members were surprised as to how the newspaper published a document which the President had not even shown the Prime Minister. This was even raised by some members when the President met SLFP parliamentarians on Monday to brief them on the P-TOMS.

In the meantime, the JVP’s date to depart from the government set as June 15 was fast approaching. The JVP, by giving an ultimatum to the President, went beyond the point of no-return. This was done in order to beat the JHU which was stealing the anti-P-TOMS limelight. In a way, it could be said that the JHU dragged the JVP out of the government through its protest campaign. But through several channels the government was negotiating with the JHU to get its support in the event of the JVP quitting the government. The JHU monks had also shown their approval to a proposal by the President to bring the P-TOMS to Parliament.

The President was carrying the idea of bringing the P-TOMS to parliament with the intention of trapping the UNP. However, this idea which was only discussed with a few confidants was put forward for the first time by the President at a meeting with Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle, Anura Bandaranaike, John Seneviratne, Maithripala Sirisena and Dilan Perera at the President’s House on Tuesday. At that meeting the President said that the P-TOMS would be brought to parliament as a regulation under the Tsunami Special Provisions Bill.
However, the single largest political party in parliament, the UNP, has by now decided it would vote against the P-TOMS if it is brought to parliament before the government signs it. With the JVP and the JHU opposing as well, what purpose it would serve is to be seen. With parliament set to meet next Wednesday (June 22) the President has called an urgent meeting of all PA parliamentarians on Tuesday (21). All those abroad, including Ministers Anura Bandaranaike and Mangala Samaraweera, had been asked to return to the country. The UNP has asked all its members to be present in Colombo by Tuesday. As the focus shifts towards parliament with the government losing its majority there are strong indications that the President might dissolve parliament and call for a fresh General Election. This has been the discussion among several frontline members of the government during the last few days. But when parliament meets on Wednesday the focus will be on the JVP which is expected to crossover to the opposition, bringing the total number of members in the opposition to 144.

Although the JVP was posed to announce its decision to leave the government last Thursday, there were last minute efforts by the Prime Minister to bring about a settlement on Wednesday (June 15) night. The meeting at Temple Trees was attended by leaders of the PA’s constituent parties. From the JVP side Wimal Weerawansa and Tilvin Silva were to attend initially. However, Weerawansa was down with flu on the eve of D-day for the JVP and the meeting was attended by Nandana Gunatilleka. The meeting that went late into the night did not bear fruit as the JVP left the Alliance as said earlier on June 16.

When the JVP Ministers and Deputies left their Ministries with regret on Thursday, they were not expecting a tirade from the President on national television in the night. Speaking for more than an hour the President mainly attacked the JVP, bringing out its violent past as well. She said that the government was stable and that she would carry on regardless of the JVP leaving the government. She said that the JVP did not have a valid reason to leave the government and had a misconception about the P-TOMS. The Agriculture Ministry’s much publicised “Dahasak Wew” programme came under heavy attack with the President saying that some of the reservoirs were leaking now.

As the parliament’s majority shifts towards the opposition, several Provincial Councils too are hinging on the balance with the JVP members joining the opposition ranks. In such a scenario the President could continue to function with a minority government without getting any significant legislation through parliament. Whether the President would dissolve parliament or not is the looming question.

P-TOMS to be signed next week Helgessen coming for decisive five-day mission By Poorna Rodrigo

Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgessen is flying to Sri Lanka on Monday for a decisive peace mission amidst indications that the Kumartunga admisntration will sign the controversial P-TOMS agreement with the LTTE next week. The Norwegian Embassy said the top Norwegian peace facilitator would hold extensive talks with President Chandrika Kumaratunga, government, LTTE and opposition leaders including those of the Muslim community in addition to visiting tsunami-hit areas such as Kalmunai and Ampara.

The announcement of the Helgessen visit came as the country continues to be on a tightrope of political uncertainty in the aftermath of the JVP quitting the government and President Chandrika Kumaratunga has summoned a crucial meeting of the SLFP parliamentary group on Monday – the eve of a decisive parliamentary session with the government now reduced to a minority status. Presidential aides were calling SLFP MPs yesterday to ensure their presence at Monday’s meeting, with Ministers Anura Bandaranaike and Mangala Samaraweera also being told to rush back from Beijing. President Kumaratunga in a tough message to the nation on Thursday said the withdrawal of the JVP would not destabilize or weaken the government but with 143 MPs on the Opposition side and only 81 for the government the situation in parliament is widely seen to be on a razor’s edge.

Sources close to the President told the Daily Mirror yesterday she was likely to sign the P-TOMS with the LTTE before a draft Bill is presented to Parliament. “There is no question of amending the P-TOMS in Parliament. Parliament will only serve as a forum for discussion among all political parties”, an aide said. President Kumaratunga has also called Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse for another round of talks, while she met Buddhist monks at the BMICH yesterday for a dialogue on the Post Tsunami Operations Management Structure.

In her message to the nation the President said the country was facing its moment of truth and in this defining period some vital decision needed to be taken and she was ready to take those decisions though the path might be difficult or even dangerous. The main opposition UNP which has 67 seats in parliament has assured President Kumaratunga it would support the P-TOMS agreement but has told her to go ahead and sign it with the LTTE instead of bringing the draft to parliament.

Rs. 2.8 million Australia aid for community projects

Australia has contributed Rs 2.8 million towards projects to benefit a range of communities in Sri Lanka. The funds were presented at a ceremony held recently at the Australian High Commission. The projects focus on income-generation, education and water and sanitation activities for tsunami and war-affected communities.

The funds were provided under the Direct Aid Programme of the Australian High Commission, which supports small-scale development activities with an emphasis on alleviating hardship."Australia's aid programme in Sri Lanka is significant and growing. It has more than doubled since the signing of the Cease Fire Agreement in 2002" said Australian Deputy High Commissioner Matthew Hyndes, who presented the funds.

The projects included Income-generation programme for tsunami-affected families in Trincomalee, Water and Sanitation programme for 200 rural families in Galle, Technical support for the Eastern Technical Institute in Batticaloa, Small scale income generation programme for women in Matale, Income generation programme for female-headed households in Mannar, Census of people with disabilities in the Vavuniya District, Construction of an education centre for war-affected children in Batticaloa

In the current year, the Australian Government will provide an estimated A$39.8 million in aid to Sri Lanka including A$ l0 million in humanitarian funds for relief and recovery activities following the tsunami. In addition, over A$ 80 million has been pledged by Australian State Governments and non-governmental organizations for post-tsunami reconstruction

American law enforcement course for Sri Lanka police

June 17, Colombo: The Sri Lanka National Police have completed a new training program conducted by American law enforcement instructors. Topics included interview and interrogation techniques, human dignity and ethics, and community-based policing, taught at the Police Higher Training Institute in Colombo. The US Embassy in Colombo said yesterday that the training is an initiative of the US Department of State and the US Department of Justice. Two American law enforcement instructors spent eight weeks in Sri Lanka training National Police officers.

US Department of Justice Training Coordinator Kevin Kittridge said, “Putting the needs of citizens first [is] an important part of any free society. By offering training assistance, the US Embassy hopes to assist Inspector General of Police Chandra Fernando in cultivating the investigative and community-interaction skills of the Sri Lankan National Police.”

Since 2004, the United States has trained over 400 Sri Lankan and Maldivian police officers in basic criminal investigation, basic narcotics investigation, crime scene investigation, evidence preservation, basic supervision, management, and human rights.

Next Indian Ocean tsunami matter of time - Experts

Scientists are convinced another giant tsunami will one day sweep across the Indian Ocean - what they are not sure about is when.

Almost six months after the deadly Dec. 26 tsunami, triggered by a magnitude 9.15 earthquake, scientists are keeping a close eye on aftershocks and the increased earthquake activity around Indonesia as they try to work out when the next big one will hit. "It could happen any time, it could take another 20 to 50 years, or another 200 years," Phil Cummins, senior earthquake analyst at the Australian government's seismic monitoring organisation Geoscience Australia, told Reuters.

The area is part of the world's most active earthquake zone that runs along the Java-Sunda trench to the west and south of Indonesia and then curves to run across the top of New Guinea island, accounting for about one third of the world's earthquakes. Cummins said the activity was caused by the movement of tectonic plates that make up the Earth's surface. The Indo-Australian plate is pushing north and under the Eurasian plate by about five or six centimetres (2 inches) a year.

That annual movement might not be much. But when pressure builds up over one or two centuries, the result could be a powerful earthquake that results in the earth suddenly moving as much as 12 metres (39 feet) or more. That's what happened off the west coast of Indonesia's Sumatra island on Dec. 26 last year when an estimated 1,200 km (750 miles) of fault line slipped about 20 metres (65 feet).

The huge rupture caused the biggest earthquake in 40 years, lifting the sea floor and causing a tsunami that swept across the Indian Ocean, hitting 13 nations and leaving about 230,000 people dead or missing. Indonesia was the worst affected, with 166,000 people dead or missing in Aceh province on the northern tip of Sumatra. A second earthquake with a magnitude of 8.7 struck the island of Nias off Sumatra on March 28, leaving more than 900 dead, while a 6.9 magnitude earthquake southeast of Nias rocked the area on May 14.

Professor Ray Cas from Melbourne's Monash University, said the increased number of smaller earthquakes in the region made it less likely another major quake was on the way. "The more small-scale earthquakes that occur in that region, the better. But that doesn't mean that somewhere else along that fault zone, you won't get a similar build up of pressure," Cas told Reuters.

"It's in zones where there are known active faults, and where there has been little significant earthquake activity for some time, that there is a need to be concerned." However, Professor John McCloskey of the University of Ulster in Northern Ireland, who predicted the Nias earthquake, this month said the region was vulnerable to another major earthquake and tsunami further south, near Siberut island, also off Sumatra but south of Nias.

Full statement by the TNA follows:

The far reaching political developments in the country that have resulted in the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), withdrawing its support to the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) government, reducing it to the status of a minority government have made it necessary for the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (The Tamil National Alliance, TNA) to define its future course of political action.

Two decades of fierce war in the Northeast had left hundreds of thousands of Tamil people dislocated and destitute. The physical infrastructure in the Northeast was substantially devastated. A large number of Tamil people were greatly traumatized by the war and its consequences. Though more than three years have lapsed since the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement, and though the dislocated people have been most anxious to return to their homes and commence normal life, they have been denied this basic fundamental right. The result is that these hundreds of thousands of Tamil people continue to encounter much deprivation and human suffering. It has not been possible in these circumstances to utilize the funds made available by the International Community to provide urgently required relief to these long suffering people.

It was to deal urgently with this severe humanitarian crisis, which was reaching unbearable proportions, and to rebuild and bring back normalcy to the Northeast that an Interim Self Governing Authority was sought to be established in the Northeast, pending the evolution of a final political solution.

The LTTE submitted proposals for the establishment of an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) in the Northeast and requested that dates be fixed for the commencement of talks on the said proposals. The UNF government was prepared to determine dates for the commencement of such talks. This became infructuous as a result of the political instability that followed, the dissolution of Parliament and the formation of a new government.

President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga at a meeting held with the parliamentary group of the ITAK (TNA) on 10th June 2004 conveyed her decision to discuss the ISGA proposals with the LTTE, subject to reservations she entertained. Regrettably, such negotiations never commenced. The JVP, the government's main alliance partner opposed the commencement of negotiations. Consequently the Ceasefire became increasingly fragile.

The ceasefire has also been jeopardized as a result of collaboration between the Sri Lankan Armed Forces and Tamil Paramilitary Forces with a vested interest in disrupting the peace process. This is a serious impediment to the furtherance of the peace process. The ITAK (TNA) insists upon the provisions of the Ceasefire Agreement being strictly observed.

In the days following the Tsunami natural disaster of 26th December 2004, negotiations commenced between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE in regard to the setting up of a structure to deal with post-Tsunami activities in the Northeast. It was the expectation of the ITAK (TNA) that the agreement in regard to such a structure would be concluded expeditiously, given the reality that the structure pertained only to activities related to the damage caused by the Tsunami in the Tsunami affected areas.

The signing of the agreement has however been long delayed. People affected by Tsunami have continued to suffer much deprivation and suffering. The main opposition to the conclusion of the said agreement came from the government's main alliance partner, the JVP. The JVP, in the context of the government not fulfilling the ultimatum that the government should withdraw the proposal to sign the post-Tsunami agreement before 15th June 2005, has left the government.

The ITAK (TNA) urges that the government should without further delay sign the post-Tsunami agreement with the LTTE as per the decisions arrived at between the government and the LTTE with Norwegian facilitation, and that effective implementation of such agreement should commence immediately thereafter. Talks should also commence in regard to the setting up of an Interim Self Governing Authority as per the proposals submitted by the LTTE without delay, and the peace process should be pursued. The ITAK (TNA) will render its fullest support to all steps taken in the right direction.

Denmark to assist Jaffna Campus in Journalism training

Danish Development Corporation (DDC) signed an agreement with officials of Jaffna Campus Friday to provide assistance in setting up a training facilty for journalists, sources said. President of DDC, Toni Michelson, and Vice Chancellor of Jaffna Campus, Professor S Mohanadas signed the agreement. Professor A Shanmugathas, Co-ordinator for Faculty of Journalism presided the signing ceremony, sources said.

Ms Michelson and Prof Mohanadas laid the foundation stone for new buidlings that will contain Television and Radio broadcast training facilities and Journalism lecture theater. Henrik Grunnet, an official of Danish Development Corporation and Professor R Sivachandran, Head of Arts Faculty, also participated in the opening event.

Denmark has been discussing with various officials in NorthEast of the need to train journalists with skills in using current technology. Jaffna campus officials said they are pleased to see concrete action being taken by the Danish Group to followup on their committments.

Third token fast held in Kodikamam

About five hundred Tamil civilians including students and traders participated in a one-day token fast in support of the joint mechanism proposal Friday under a special structure constructed in Kodikamam junction in Thenmaradchchi division in Jaffna district. Similar events were earlier held in Chavakachcheri on Wednesday and in Kaithady on Thursday, sources said.

"We reiterate our warning to the chauvinists who refuse to recognize rights of Tamils" The Thenmaradchchi Traders' Association organized the event. General shutdown was observed in the Kodikamam area and thes chools were closed. However traffic in A9 highway was normal, sources said. Ms Padmini Sithamparanathan and Mr.M.K.Sivajilingam, Jaffna district Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentarians also participated in the fast.

Several speakers addressed the gathering at the conclusion of the event and stressed the importance to continue the agitation until a permanent solution is found to the Tamil National question that meets the aspirations of Tamils, sources said. Meanwhile, Jaffna District Civil Groups Consortium is to hold a one-day renaissance event in the Kailasapathy Auditorium of the Jaffna University on Sunday, 19th June, in support of the Joint Mechanism proposal and requesting the international community to recognise the self-determination right of Tamil people. The event has been named " Voice of the Tamil Nation ", organisers said.

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Sri Lanka: Opposition to the proposed “Joint Mechanism” Dr. Victor Rajakulendran.

The political crisis in Sri Lanka at the moment is the opposition shown by the Singhalese Nationalistic forces to the creation of a “Joint Mechanism” (JM) (an operational management structure and not a political one) between the Sri Lankan government (SLG) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). This concept of JM evolved as a result of consultations held between the SLG and the LTTE to find a way as how to utilise the money (now pledged to be $3 Billion) to be donated by the International community (IC), among all the communities affected by the tsunami in Sri Lanka, in an equitable manner especially in areas controlled by the LTTE. This concept of creating a JM has been welcomed and emphasized by the IC first at the “Sri Lanka aid Forum” meeting recently held in Kandy, Sri Lanka and again at the just concluded Washington meeting of the Co-chairs of the Sri Lanka donor groups – US, European Union, Japan and Norway.

We have seen for the last few days a hype of protest activities against the President Chandrika Bandaranayake Kumarathunga (PCBK). These were organised by her coalition partner the JVP, the Buddhist clergy of the JHU, Patriotic National Movement (PNM) a front organisation of the JVP and the National Bhikku Front (NBF) an organisation of nationalist Buddhist clergy. While Buddhist clergies went on hunger strike, JVP threatened to quit the government coalition if PCBK does not withdraw from signing the JM agreement. Although the hunger strikes have abruptly ended JVP has made the PCBK’s government a minority government making it dependent on its opposition to pass legislations in parliament.

Who are these opponents of JM?

JVP, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna or People’s Liberation Front, is a former terrorist organisation turned into a Marxist political party. JVP carried out two armed insurrections against SLGs and had brutally killed many innocent civilians and its political opponents. When their leadership was almost wiped out after their second insurrection, they reorganised themselves into a political party and entered parliament without surrendering their weapons. They are anti-Tamil, anti-LTTE and totally against changing the unitary setup in Sri Lanka to a Federal system as recommended by India and the IC. JVP depends on Sinhalese chauvinistic utterances to win the hearts of lower and middle class Sinhalese to beef up their vote bank. They started with one member in parliament, increased it to 19 and after PCBK formed an alliance with them and contested the last election to defeat Ranil Wickramasinghe (RW) they increased their parliamentary strength significantly to 39.

JHU, the Jathika Hela Urumya or the National Heritage Party was formed by disgruntled mainstream political party members. As they failed to gain parliamentary seats, in the first general election they contested, this party put out Buddhist priests as its candidates to contest the last election and won 9 seats in the parliament. From the time they entered parliament, these Buddhist priest turned parliamentarians have taken an anti-Tamil and anti-LTTE stand. JHU has been opposing the peace process from the beginning and like JVP, JHU is also opposed to changing the unitary setup to a Federal system. Provocative behaviour of JHU parliamentarians in parliament has resulted in even physical exchanges between some of them and other party parliamentarians.

PNM, the Patriotic National Movement although portrays itself as an independent conglomeration of assorted Singhala nationalists, everyone in Sri Lanka knows that it is a JVP front. JVP uses the PNM front to accomplish its 'broad front' strategy to politically permeate the widest cross section of the Singhala polity. JVP believes, the working class movement in Sri Lanka failed to take state power chiefly because it ignored the large rural Sinhala petit bourgeoisie which is more aligned to PCBK’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) than to RW’s, United national Party (UNP). JVP believes in taking state power with this class firmly on its side, to defeat the ruling class which is rooted in multi-national capital (UNP and to certain extent the SLFP). Although UNP could secure the temporary allegiance of the rural petit bourgeoisie from time to time by cynically whipping up Sinhala nationalism to achieve its own interests, JVP knows very well that SLFP traditionally gives leadership to this class. This is why JVP formed an alliance with SLFP first to work from with-in to dominate and lead this class of voters. JVP’s idea is to later expose the SLFP in front of its constituency by putting it in a position when it is unable to 'come clean' of its own inevitable association with global capital, as it is in now in a post-tsunami environment. In this process JVP is using its front PNM very efficiently in whipping up Singhala nationalism.

NBF, the National Bhikku Front is a national organisation of Buddhist monks. Many members of this organisation are either Singhalese nationalists or Buddhist supremacists.

Why are they opposing?

According to PCBK the JM or, the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) as the government like to call it now, is only an administrative arrangement with the LTTE to rehabilitate and reconstruct tsunami destroyed coastal areas in the North-East and it is operational only for a period of one year. According to PCBK the purpose of this JM is for her government to get the cooperation of the LTTE in implementing reconstruction programs in the tsunami affected areas in the North-East, a significant part of which is under their control. Still JVP and JHU are saying that if the PCBK goes ahead and implement the JM she will be paving the way for the LTTE to create a separate state in Sri Lanka. PNM is dancing to JVP’s tune and helping the JVP to organise the crowd needed for protest marches.

Although JVP knows very well that the JM is not a threat to the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the country as they are shouting, they are behaving like this to make use of this opportunity to achieve their long-term goal. As I have said before, JVP’s intention when it formed the coalition with SLFP was to woo the large rural Sinhala petit bourgeoisie which is more aligned to PCBK’s SLFP than to RW’s UNP, to their side from being within a coalition government with SLFP. From the time they joined the SLFP to form the coalition government they started to work on this. Although they were part of the government, they did not hesitate to condemn Norway’s effort of peace making or to hold protest marches against the peace process.

In the aftermath of the tsunami devastation, JVP even tried to woo the Tamil and Muslim section of this bourgeoisie by sending their volunteers into these areas to help these masses. If JVP was really concerned about the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country they should have protested more vigorously when RW signed the Cease-fire Agreement (CFA) with the LTTE. Because the CFA recognised legally for the first time that there are separate government controlled and LTTE controlled areas in the country. At that time the same bourgeoisie JVP is targeting to woo to its side now, whose children were only dying in the battlefield fighting the LTTE, were yearning for the war to stop. At that time JVP had succeeded in getting only 19 members in parliament and they were contemplating whether to revert back to armed rebellion or continue to use the ballot to secure political power. The golden opportunity PCBK opened up increased JVP’s parliamentary strength to 39 and therefore the JVP is now convinced that the time is ripe now to move forward with their final intention. With Presidential elections getting closer and closer, chances of PCBK contesting getting slimmer and slimmer JVP is having an eye on contesting for the Presidency too. JM was the first opportunity for them to start on their plan of action and they got into business and used their usual tactic of mere rhetoric and verbal threats to quit the government. As usual they have the crowd they needed to put out on the street shows of protests with the help of their front organisation PNM. Although JVP’s tactics have not worked this time with PCBK and they have to leave the government, it is too early to judge who will be the winner of this political drama at the end.

JHU is not as organised as JVP and new to electoral politics. They were elected to parliament by wooing Sinhalese chauvinistic section of the voters. They portrayed themselves as anti-Tamil and anti-LTTE and also as the only party interested in safeguarding the interests of Sinhalese Buddhists, during their campaign. JHU has demonstrated in the recent past that they are one step ahead of JVP in being anti-Tamil and anti-LTTE. In the “Sri Lanka Development Forum” held in Kandy, while the JVP ministers were passively participating in the forum the leader of JHU took up the podium uninvited and addressed the delegates, slandering the LTTE and requested the delegates not to insist on a JM. Therefore when JVP raised the voice against PCBK signing the JM, JHU wanted to go one step further as usual. They do this because they compete with the JVP for the same rural Sinhalese petit bourgeoisie for their electoral success. That is why, while JVP was giving mere verbal threat to quit the government and holding rallies, JHU went a step further and its General Secretary and parliamentarian Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Thero went on a hunger strike. Although he abandoned his hunger strike later on the request of Maha Nayakas, with the leadership of the Buddhist clergy, JHU is capable of stirring up trouble again if necessary.

Members of the Buddhist clergy of the NBF and members of the PNM have been active in protesting in Colombo streets and particularly around PCBK’s residence aiding and abetting JVP and JHU. However, for the first time in the history of Sri Lanka, members of the Buddhist clergy were teargassed and water cannoned against their violent behaviour.

Possible repercussions due to opposition to JM

JVP with the help of PNM and NBF have reduced PCBK’s government to a minority government. PCBK’s government may not fall immediately but will not be able to pass major legislation in parliament. Therefore, theoretically PCBK’s government may last until the next budget in November. Because UNP leader RW has pledged his assurance that his party will not bring down PCBK’s government on the issue of JM, when PCBK tables the JM agreement in parliament, it will be passed sans JVP and JHU votes (altogether 46) unless JVP, JHU, PNM and NBF take on to the streets and create mayhem and prevent parliament from sitting.

Once that is out of the way, and the $3 Billion starts flowing in, PCBK would hope that she could woo the electorate to her side and hold a general election and form a majority government on her own. This looks unachievable. Moreover, once the tsunami victims are taken care of, RW will press for an early presidential election for which he has already started his campaign anticipating all these changes.

PCBK should know by this time her days in the pinnacle of power are numbered now. That is why she is forging ahead with the JM plan amidst all these opposition. She may have no other alternative other than to promote Prime Minister Rajapaksa as the SLFP’s Presidential candidate to prevent her arch rival RW becoming the President. JVP may make use of the situation and join in the presidential race on its own or even make a deal with PM Rajapakse to throw in their support to him to keep the Presidential palace out of reach of RW. In a three way presidential contest, chances are there for RW to become the President. Whether it is RW or PM Rajapakse becomes the next President, the new President has to face the same opposition of JVP and JHU inside and outside the parliament. If the new President genuinely wants to move the peace process forward, the only way for him is to avoid a general election and form a National Unity Government with or without JVP’s and JHU’s participation. Therefore even if the JM comes into place there is no chance for the peace process to move forward until a new President and a new government are in place in Sri Lanka.

This is what JVP, JHU, PNM and NBF have jointly achieved for Sri Lanka’s near future, unless PCBK is prepared to rule the country using her extraordinary Presidential power for which she will need the full support of the armed services. Under the present CFA, considering the ground reality, it is very unlikely that PCBK will choose this option.

Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister returns to Sri Lanka

Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen will arrive in Sri Lanka next Monday for a five-day visit. The Royal Norwegian Embassy in Colombo said today that he will have meetings with President Kumaratunga, representatives of the government, and the LTTE. He will also meet with representatives from other political parties and civil society. Mr. Helgesen will meet with the Muslim community in Kalmunai and visit tsunami-affected areas in the Ampara district, the Embassy added.

Sri Lanka establishes Ministry for Muslim Affairs

A Ministry for Muslim Religious and Cultural Affairs has been established by President Chandrika Kumaratunga in an Extraordinary Gazette Notification, published on 14 June, 2005.

The Presidential Secretariat said, “The Department of Muslim Religious and Cultural Affairs [has] its subjects and functions, viz: the implementation and monitoring of programmes and projects in respect of Muslim religious and cultural affairs, which earlier came directly under the President and will now be administered by the new Ministry

Customs charge Oxfam 3500,000 to allow in jeeps

Oxfam has had to pay `A3550,000 in customs duty to the Sri Lankan government for importing 25 four-wheel-drive vehicles to help victims of the tsunami, The Daily Telegraph has learned. The sum was levied by customs in Colombo which have refused to grant tax exemptions to non-governmental organisations working to repair damage caused by the giant Boxing Day wave.

The Indian-made Mahindra vehicles, essential to negotiate damaged roads and rough tracks, remained stuck in port at Colombo for almost a month as officials completed the small mountain of paperwork required to release them. Customs charged `A32,750 "demurrage" for every day they stood idle. Oxfam said it had "no choice" but to pay the exorbitant 300 per cent import tax or face further delays to its relief operation.

Customs charge

Sources said that when Oxfam officials tried to reason with the government, the ministry of finance offered three options: pay the duty, re-export the vehicles or hand them over to a ministry of their choice.Oxfam was one of the major charities to benefit from the generosity of the British public, which donated `A3300 million for tsunami relief under the umbrella of the Disasters Relief Committee.

It refused to comment on whether the customs payment was a fair use of donations. It said only that it "abides by the law" of the countries in which it operates, "including the tax laws". Anger is growing in Sri Lanka among aid workers and residents who say that reconstruction is being slowed to a crawl by bureaucracy, corruption, greed and inefficiency. An aid worker who asked to remain anonymous said : "When people watched those scenes of destruction and suffering on television they were moved to help the victims - not fill the government's coffers."

Norway FM on an urgent visit to Sri Lanka this Saturday

Norway Foreign Minister Hans Brasker will be in Sri Lanka on an urgent visit. He is due to arrive in Sri Lanka by next Saturday (18), according Foreign Ministry sources. He is visiting Sri Lanka to finalise the signing of the JM agreement between the government and Tigers urgently before it is being submitted in parliament, sources stated.

Tamil leaders oppose Lankan military pact: Members of the Tamil Protection Movement (TPM) will stage a fast in Chennai on June 28 opposing India’s move to sign a military pact with Sri Lanka. TPM convenor and DPI leader Thol Thirumavalavan, who would lead the fast, told reporters here on Wednesday that a meeting of Tamil enthusiasts had endorsed the demand. India was preparing itself to enter into a pact with Sri Lanka to provide training to the latter’s military forces in the name of enhancing security in the sub-continent. He said this move would prove dangerous for the Tamil community in Lanka. DK leader K Veeramani, MDMK deputy general secretary Senji Ramachandran, Tamil Nationalist Movement leader Pazha Nedumaran and Moovendar Munnetra Munnani founder Sethuraman would join the fast

Politicians have undermined the post tsunami rebuilding efforts By Ranga Kalansooriya
When the tsunami struck almost six months ago, nobody thought that it would create a different political tsunami in the country. Most of us thought otherwise. Some went on to say that it would be a blessing in disguise in revamping a war ravaged nation. Both the local and international community were dreaming of a new Sri Lanka with a new vision and a mission. But what we are witnessing today is the total opposite, leading the country into more chaotic situations and uncertainties.

Of course, this is due to the lack of dynamic leadership, clear vision and proper planning for the country. The politicians have messed the post tsunami rebuilding efforts to an uncontrollable extent. The JVP withdrawal, no doubt, would create a stir within the ruling coalition and in the political circles in a critical style. The much expected split within the government would lead the country into more darkness, not only on tsunami reconstruction efforts, but also on the future of the peace process and the economic revival as well.

JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe surrounded by his most trusted lieutenants at the Library Services Board auditorium yesterday told the press that the holding power of the government and the provincial councils would vanish within weeks following their decision. Most interestingly he signaled about a possible future coalition with many other political parties, including the UNP. When he was confronted by a journalist about the UNP in particular he specified that “there would be people who wanted to leave the UNP.”

However, it is clear that the JVP would now get onto the streets with its fullest strength, first to object the implementation of the Post Tsunami Operational Mechanism Structure (P-TOMS) but then on many issues. They were, anyway, on the agitation fronts while holding responsible positions in the government, but from yesterday they received a free hand to do it without hiding their faces.

Yesterday’s move by the JVP added fuel to the election heat that had been looming in the country for the past couple of months. But, according to some political analysts, general elections would be the last resort of the survival game of the minority government. It would consider options such as continuing as a minority regime, proroguing or even head hunting for crossovers.

Nevertheless, it is interesting to see the JVP inviting political parties in this country to form an alliance in order to face a future general election. But, of course, it should not be a coalition like UPFA, especially for the sake of the country.

Both the JVP and the PA, from the very beginning did not have a common agenda on any national issue. Their one and only objective was to topple the UNP regime at any cost. Apart from this goal, the two parties had no common principles on political, economic or social issues of the country. Despite this they had major differences on those issues. The nine-months intense deliberations between the PA and JVP attempted to reach a common ground on those critical issues, were no success. The only understanding they reached was agreeing to the need of toppling Ranil Wickremesinghe’s regime. Therefore, this split could not be seen as a blow due to the Joint Mechanism or the P-TOMS. This is an explosion of accumulated hatred between the two parties. The JM was the ultimate victim of a longstanding mismatch.

If not through the JM, it would have propped up through ISGA proposals or the PA’s liberal economic policies. The issue on the Western Province Chief Minister was also among them. There had been enough issues to create the split within the UPFA. But for the JVP, the JM was the most preferred issue, due to its competition with the JHU and also to canvass for Sinhala Buddhist votes in the South.

However, in the typical style of PR system, it would again be a matter of numbers in House for the survival of the government. If the President is still determined to move ahead with the P-TOMS, she could count on the 25 TNA Parliamentarians and also a smooth path from the main opposition UNP as well. The UNP’s pledge not to take political advantages of the situation and topple the government would be a sigh of relief to the President.

During the press conference, the JVP did not comment on the style of agitations that they would be engaged in against the P-TOMS. What Wimal Weerawansa stated was that it was too early to comment on their strategies of agitations. We would pray that those campaigns would not follow suit of the bitter experiences of the past.

Another school of thought about yesterday’s move of the JVP is that their decision was too premature. The P-TOMS are yet to be ratified by many fora, including the Maha Sangha, according to the pledge by President Kumaratunga to the then fasting Buddhist monk, Dr Omalpe Sobhitha. The explanation for this argument by JVP Tilvin Silva was that his party could no longer be responsible for the pro-Joint Mechanism campaigns by the government.

In case of submitting the document to Parliament as reported by media yesterday, JVP would not be in a position to talk against it, if it remains with the government. But the decision to bring it to Parliament was a result of many public agitations by JVP and other hardliners as well. In fact, the behaviour of the JVP and the JHU redesigned the path of the P-TOMS. The hard-line Sinhala Buddhist campaigners proved the fact that they will never allow the LTTE to play a major role in a confidence building measure of any kind.

This could also be considered history repeating itself. When Buddhist monks surrounded Temple Tress in April 1958, demanding Prime Minister Bandaranaike to revoke his pact with the then Federal Party leader S J V Chelvanayakam, the Premier had no choice, but to come out to the protesting monks and tear up the document. Cheering monks thought that they were victorious. They would have thought that their efforts to save the rights of the Sinhala Buddhists were fruitful.

But it is rather doubtful whether they really understood the gravity of the statement by Prime Minister Bandaranaike before taking the decision to do away with the pact. “The nation will soon realize the adverse effects of this act,” he told the Sinhala – Buddhist messiahs, who, for sure, did not understand the depth of this statement. History is yet to be repeated itself, in its full form. Buddhist monks are up in arms everywhere, in different styles, agitating against the Joint Mechanism. If one considers the socio-economic standards of the two periods then and now, no major difference could be seen in the Sinhala Buddhist campaigns.

The Buddhist monks allege that the JM would provide extra-ordinary powers to the unlawful entity, the LTTE. They fear that the powers or the international recognition that the LTTE would gain through the JM would lead to a clear separation of the country, in creating Eelam. But there is a total difference with regard to the response to the plea by Buddhist monks when compared to the situation in 1958. Police took no time to fire tear gas at protesting monks when they broke into the high security zone. In some places the fasting monks went missing (but appeared on stage later) and the response from the President was not quite similar to that of her father.

What would be the response of the LTTE, in light of these developments in the South? This extremely pertinent question has never been asked at this crucial juncture for unknown reasons. Will the LTTE maintain silence, waiting for the government in the south to reach consensus among its political partners and rivals to launch the JM? Or else, with usual desperation, would they resort to war? And at the same time, what would be the thinking of the international community, especially of the donors who are ready with contributions for reconstruction work, but waiting for a proper arrangement to channel their money? Can Sri Lanka survive without these funds in rebuilding a devastated country?

It would be sensible if those who campaign against the P-TOMS could also come up with solutions or alternatives to these important queries. This is mainly because, we all know that Sri Lanka needs foreign assistance to develop this country and Sri Lanka needs peace to see a stable future.

British Minister stresses importance of setting up P-TOMS BY MANJULA Fernando

STRESSING the importance of setting up the proposed P-TOMS (Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure), the visiting British Development Minister Gareth Thomas assured that this deal would not lead to lift the ban on the LTTE in UK. "We are not planning to lift the ban on the LTTE in the near future," he stressed responding to questions by the media at a press conference at the Trenchard House, Colombo wrapping up his two-day visit to review the British funded tsunami reconstruction projects.

"There is no secrecy for our support for the Joint Mechanism. We do hope this Mechanism will be established soon to ensure equal aid distribution in the South, North and East to benefit everyone affected by the tsunami," he explained. Thomas who travelled to Galle and Hikkaduwa and several places in the East to inspect tsunami reconstruction projects in progress, expressed his satisfaction over the pace of recovery in the devastated areas. "Most of the people where I visited were not living in tents. They have moved at least to temporary and better houses and children were back in school."

He added that there can be unrealistic expectations by the International community when they set the time frame to complete reconstruction for two years. "The scale of destruction by the tsunami is so great that it will take at least four years." The British Government provided US $ 13 million worth of immediate relief assistance to Sri Lanka within the first weeks of the catastrophe to restore water supply, sanitation and temporary housing facilties. They have channelled a total of US $ 60 million for Sri Lanka for relief and reconstruction programs through various UN agencies. This is about one third of the funds allocated for all affected countries in the Indian Ocean rim.

In addition, Britain has offered a debt moretorium worth US $ 78 million to Sri Lanka in view of the tsunami. Responding to media criticism for scaling down on the development funding under the UN millenium development goal commitments, he said they have made a better contibution in the tsunami assistance. He said he was satisfied with the feed back by government officials he met during this visit and was convinced their money had been properly spent. Deputy Minister Prof. Wiswa Warnapala, Treasury Secretary Dr. P. B. Jayasundara and TAFREN Chairman Mano Tittawella were among the Government officials he met.

Thomas who is an Under Secretary of State in the Department for International Deelopment (DFID), arrived here on Wednesday after visiting the worst affected Aceh province in Indonesia, the first destination of his progress review tour.

President reiterates LTTE should be entered into democratic mainstream PRESIDENT Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga yesterday reiterated that the LTTE should be entered into democratic mainstream to build national amity. She said the proposed Tsunami Relief Council is the first step towards this end. The President made this observations making a special address via satellite to a propaganda rally organised by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party in Kandy last evening.

Rupavahini in its news cast last night said: "A leaflet containing a questionnaire to create awareness on the Proposed Tsunami Relief Council among the people was distributed in the city of Kandy yesterday. Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Deputy Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage also spoke.

The President delivering a special address to the people who attended the rally via satellite said: The JVP which is claiming as a people's friendly party is of the view that how is the Government of sovereign people is acting in collaboration with a terrorist organisation like the LTTE. The President questioned as to whether the JVP's people friendliness was only with the Sinhalese?

"Should we allow Tamils and Muslims to starve?" the President asked. She added that the people affected by the tsunami should be rescued. This unison was to obtain the support of the suffering masses. The Government has the support of nine consequent parties. All communities are representing the Government. It has Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim MPs.

There are MPs who represent Tamil plantation workers. The JVP is also there. It has an extremist stand and it is a racist party, she said."The Government consists of all these parties. However, the LTTE who are representing a certain section of the Tamil population should also be engaged in this process if we agree or not." She said the LTTE is not representing the whole Tamil population.

"We know that a certain percentage of the Tamil population will vote for the LTTE if we conduct an election tomorrow. Therefore, their representation is essential if we like it or not," the President said. She asked was there any thing wrong in working with such an organisation on behalf of the tsunami affected people. They will not be granted any legal status. This arrangement is aimed at carrying out reconstruction activities in a two kilometre coastal area in the aftermath of the tsunami, she said.

Polls Dept. readying for any eventuality by Franklin R. Satyapalan

Any forthcoming elections would be held according to the electoral register for 2004, Deputy Commissioner of Elections P. M. Siriwardena told The Island.

He confirmed that there had been 13,033,996 voters according to the electoral register for 2003 and that there had been an increase of 292,296 voters according to last year's register. Siriwardena said that the register had been revised and accordingly there were a total of 13, 326,292 persons eligible to vote at any future election. He confirmed that the new registered voters were those from the plantations and others who had received franchise recently. Siriwardene said that the local government polls were scheduled for early 2006 with their term of office expiring on February 25th 2006. Earlier, Government Printer Lakshman Gunawardena said that the printing of blank ballot papers in eventuality of any elections had commenced almost four weeks ago.

Don’t betray the country’ – Sri Lanka President urges JVP

"The establishment of the Tsunami Relief Council will in no way confer legitimacy on the LTTE."

June 16, Colombo: Following the Marxist JVP’s decision to quit the Alliance government, Sri Lanka President Chandrika Kumaratunga in a letter to the JVP yesterday stressed that the party (JVP) should take the responsibility for the dangerous consequence the country might have to face as a result of their action.

In the eve of the deadline given by the JVP to quit the UPFA, the President’s letter said that the action by the JVP to quit the Alliance government is totally unjustified when she had already given an undertaking to the Maha Sangha and all political parties that she would unravel the details of the Tsunami Relief Council on June 16 (today).

“However while not challenging the JVP's right to leave the Alliance, the President nevertheless stress that the party should take the responsibility for the dangerous consequence the country might have to face as a result of such action,” the letter further said. Addressed to the JVP General Secretary Tilvyn Silva, responding to a letter addressed to her by the latter on June 6, the President also said “the establishment of the Tsunami Relief Council will in no way confer legitimacy on the LTTE and that it would in no way harm the unity and territorial integrity of the country.”

The President also said that she valued the JVP invitation for her to give leadership for the prompt setting up of a National Centre for proper distribution of the international aid among the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim and for the process to build a new Sri Lanka. She stressed that it is her aim through forging a consensus with the LTTE and with the participation of all communities to build such a National Centre.

The President was of the firm view that this goal could be a reality if she receives the co-operation of all and if there are no road blocks placed to her practical efforts in this direction Demand-led rising inflation forces CB to up interest rates again
Consumption demand–led rising inflation has forced the Central Bank to increase its policy rates by 50 basis points with effect from yesterday.

“Having reviewed the recent economic developments and projections, the Monetary Board has decided to increase the Repurchase (Repo) rate and the Reverse Repurchase (Reverse Repo) rate by 50 basis points to 8.25 per cent and 9.75 per cent, respectively, from 15 June 2005,” Central Bank said following its monthly monetary policy review. This is the second upward revision for the year with the first one being a 25 basis points in May. Central Bank assessed following factors in arriving at this decision.

A review of economic activity so far during the year indicates that the performance of major sectors continues to be on the expected path. The agriculture sector is expected to rebound in 2005 with a record paddy harvest in Maha 2004/05. Tea production and other export crops have also shown a continuous improvement. The industrial sector has shown a steady improvement, benefiting from the improved performance of the apparel industry despite the intense global competition. The higher demand for cement, building materials and basic metal products reflect increased construction activities. The services sector also continues to grow at a healthy rate with major sub-sectors such as port, telecommunications, and transport services growing at high rates.

Export earnings during the first four months of 2005 increased by 11.8 per cent, reflecting the improved performance of textiles and garments, rubber based products, tea, minor agricultural crops and petroleum products. Expenditure on imports increased by 6.5 per cent during the first four months of 2005. As a result, trade deficit narrowed down significantly to US dollars 675 million in the first four months of 2005 compared with the deficit of US dollars 722 million in the corresponding period in 2004. Private remittances in the first four months reached US dollars 654 million recoding a 24 per cent growth. Tourist arrivals in May grew by 35.5 per cent to 40,878 arrivals. Total arrivals during the first five months of 2005 were 208,389 a growth of 8.1 per cent. Tourist earnings too grew by 8 per cent in the first five months of 2005. These favourable developments culminated in increasing both gross official reserves and total reserves during the period January –April 2005. Consequently, the rupee had appreciated against the US dollar by 4.6 per cent during the first five months of 2005.

Inflation has moderated since March 2005 mainly due to the improvements in supply conditions. The Colombo Consumers’ Price Index (CCPI), on a point-to-point basis, declined from 14 per cent in April 2005 to 11.8 per cent in May 2005, while the point-to-point change in the Sri Lanka Consumers’ Price Index (SLCPI) declined from 16.5 per cent in March to 14.9 per cent in April 2005. However, annual average inflation based on the CCPI increased to 12.4 per cent in May 2005, while the annual average increase in the SLCPI was 13.2 per cent in April.The monetary policy tightening taken place thus far has helped to contain the monetary expansion to a certain extent.

Excess liquidity in the money market had declined to a zero level by end May 2005 as a result of the outright sales of Treasury bills by the Central Bank and the non-renewal of a part of the maturing Treasury bills held by the Central Bank. Since 01 April 2005, the Central Bank has conducted ten auctions to mop up excess liquidity on a permanent basis, and sold Treasury bills amounting to Rs. 18.8 billion from its holdings.

Market interest rates have adjusted upwards following the increase in policy interest rates in May 2005. As a result of the Central Bank policy actions, reserve money growth has slowed from about 20 per cent in December 2004 to around 17 per cent in May 2005.

However, the continued expansion of monetary aggregates remains an area of concern. Broad money continues to grow at around 20 per cent, mainly due to an increase in credit to the public sector and the private sector, which increases the demand pressure on inflation warranting further tightening of the monetary policy. In view of these developments, the Monetary Board has decided to increase the Repurchase (Repo) rate and the Reverse Repurchase (Reverse Repo) rate by 50 basis points to 8.25 per cent and 9.75 per cent, respectively, from 15 June 2005.

The release of the next regular statement on monetary policy is scheduled for 15 July 2005.

Joint Business Forum supports Joint Mechanism
The Joint Business Forum, a joint private sector grouping yesterday in a statement commended the joint mechanism or the P-TOMS and hailed the actions of President Chandrika Kumaratunga and Opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.

Following is the full statement issued by JBIZ Chairman Kingsley Bernard.

Nine Chambers of Commerce, Trade Associations and Employers Organizations which represent almost 90 % of the organized business sector wishes to reiterates its stand already taken with regard to the need of a suitable mechanism in the North and East offering adequate opportunities for the LTTE and Muslim political parties to actively take part in Tsunami rebuilding and rehabilitation activities in their respective areas.

JBIZ also notes with satisfaction the firm stand taken by the President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and by the leader of the opposition Ranil Wickremasinghe in pledging his support to the Government in implementing the scheme. We also wish to thank all political parties, other institutions and individuals in understanding the sheer need of implementing a suitable mechanism for rebuilding and rehabilitation of Tsunami affected areas and families. The contribution of all these parties and individuals are commendable taking a bipartisan approach to this National issue.

JBIZ feels that implementation of P-TOMS would create a conducive environment for the resumption of peace talks and to work with the international community to develop the country’s economy. JBIZ appeals to the Government to implement the P-TOMS and requests the opposition LTTE , Muslim Parties and all other political parties to give their fullest co-operation.

JBIZ strongly believes that the burning issue of the dawning of a sustainable peace in the country can come only through a negotiated settlement with the LTTE. Therefore immediate resumption of peace talks is a must and JBIZ appeals to the Government , Opposition , LTTE and all other stake holders to attach high priority in doing so.

The JBIZ comprises The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, The National Chamber of Commerce of Sri Lanka, The Ceylon National Chamber of Industries, Federation of Chambers of Commerce & Industry of Sri Lanka , The Employer’s Federation of Ceylon , The Exporters Association of Sri Lanka , National Chamber of Exporters of Sri Lanka , International Chamber of Commerce of Sri Lanka and Sri Lanka Banker’s Association.

P-TOMS draft coming to Parliament By Poorna Rodrigo and Damitha Hemachandra
The government is considering a move to bring the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) in Parliament as a regulation under the Tsunami Special Provision Act. The matter was discussed at a meeting presided over by President Chandrika Kumaratunga at President’s House on Tuesday night.

The meeting was attended by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse Ministers Anura Bandaranaike, John Seneviratne Maithripala Sirisena and Deputy Minister Dilan Perera. However the President said that there would be a problem since she had already told the TNA that she would not bring the P-TOMS before Parliament. It was after this that the President and the senior ministers decided to bring it as a regulation under the Tsunami Act.

When the matter was brought to the notice of the LTTE, it said the government should sign the agreement with it immaterial of whether the P-TOMS goes before Parliament or not. The issue was also discussed at length during yesterday’s Cabinet meeting and the proposal is likely to be brought before Parliament next Wednesday. The P-TOMS draft proposals were also sent to the Legal Draughtsman for final touches.

Meanwhile the JHU yesterday welcomed the government’s decision to present the P-TOMS to Parliament but stressed the government should obtain a two-thirds majority in Parliament before implementing it. JHU frontliner Champaka Ranawaka said he believed the government’s move to present the P-TOMS draft to Parliament with several amendments was a great victory to the anti-P-TOMS protest campaign initiated by the JHU.

He warned the JHU would challenge it in the Supreme Court if the government did not abide with their demands. Mr. Ranawaka said the JHU still maintained that the country did not require a special mechanism to rehabilitate people in the the Tsunami affected areas since they could be achieved through the present government administrative structure.

The JHU also urged the President to secure the approval of the four Mahanayake Theras before presenting the P-TOMS draft in Parliament.

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Sri Lanka ruling coalition splits
A key party in Sri Lanka's ruling coalition has quit in protest at government plans for a tsunami aid deal with the Tamil Tiger rebels. The Sinhala-nationalist People's Liberation Front (JVP) left the coalition after an ultimatum for the government to stop the plan expired. Analysts say the government will survive without the JVP but only as a vulnerable minority administration.

The JVP fears the aid agreement could help efforts to set up a Tamil state. The key opposition United National Party has said it will not attempt to topple the government. The BBC's Dumeetha Luthra in Colombo says President Chandrika Kumaratunga has put her political credibility on the line over the plan to disburse $2bn in pledged aid, which is backed by the international donor community. We leave with a sense of deep regret of work not completed

Somawansa Amerasinghe JVP head
But violent demonstrations over the past few days have highlighted the unpopularity of the deal. Nearly 31,000 people were killed when the tsunami struck Sri Lanka's coast on 26 December. Half a million were made homeless.

Peace move The JVP has 39 seats in Sri Lanka's 225-member parliament, enough to deprive President Kumaratunga's government of its working majority by withdrawing. The JVP had given the government until midnight (1900 GMT on Wednesday) to call off the aid plan, but the government did not back down.

"We leave with a sense of deep regret of work not completed," Peoples Liberation Front chief Somawansa Amerasinghe told journalists in Colombo. President Kumaratunga has said the proposed aid mechanism is purely an administrative tool to share out money.

Last month she said an aid-sharing deal with the Tamil Tigers could also help "open many doors to a final peace". A ceasefire between the rebels and the government came into effect in February 2002, but peace talks ground to a halt in April of the following year.

On the handling of funds the document states: The function of actually allocating and disbursing the donor funds will be retained by the Treasury; the High-Level Committee only formulates the policies regarding these.In addition, the Regional Fund administered by the multilateral agency will be set up by an agreement between the multilateral agency and the Government of Sri Lanka. The LTTE, as a non-state entity, cannot be party to such an agreement.

A synopsis of the draft obtained by the Daily Mirror follows: Memorandum of Understanding ("MOU") for the Establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (the "Joint Mechanism") Synopsis of Draft Preamble The preambular clauses set out the rationale for the formation of the Joint Mechanism, principally:

the urgent humanitarian need to effectively deliver relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction to the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities affected by the tsunami;the need for the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim communities to work together to accomplish this task; and the need for an equitable allocation of post-tsunami funds to all tsunami-affected areas of Sri Lanka, based on accepted needs-assessments.

Structure The Joint Mechanism consists of three tiers: A High-Level Committee for the tsunami-affected areas of Sri Lanka;

A Regional Committee for the Six Districts in the Northern and Eastern provinces affected by the tsunami (Ampara, Batticaloa, Jarfna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu, and Trincomalee); and District Committees, one for each of the Six Districts.

Geographic Scope The Joint Mechanism is restricted in its area of operation to the land area affected by the tsunami that is within 2 kilometers of the coastline. The MOU will not change the terms of the Ceasefire Agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the L TTE, which will remain in effect.

Non-Discrimination: The MOU prohibits discrimination against any person on the basis of grounds such as ethnic origin, language, or religion.

Period of Operation: The MOU states that the Joint Mechanism will operate only for one year, unless both parties mutually agree to extend it.

High-Level Committee Functions: The High-Level Committee's primary function will be to formulate policies regarding the allocation and disbursement of donor funds for the tsunami-affected area. The High-Level Committee will also have an advisory and monitoring role.

Composition:The High-Level Committee will have three members - one nominee by GOSL, one nominee by Muslim parties, and one nominee by LTTE. Observers: Two nominees from the international donor community will attend the meetings as observers.

Safeguards and Minority Protections: Consensus between the three members is required before any decision is made, If consensus cannot be reached, any member can, upon 14 days notice, suspend their cooperation in the High-Level Committee.

Regional CommitteeFunctions: The Regional Committee will be responsible for prioritizing, approving, managing, and monitoring the implementation of projects.

Composition: The Regional Committee will have ten members - two nominees by GOSL, three nominees by Muslim parties, and five nominees by LTTE. The MOU states that the Committee should have a proper gender balance.

Observers: Two nominees from the international donor community will attend the meetings as observers. Other observers may also be invited.

Safeguards and Minority Protections: If at least two members of the Regional Committee acknowledge that a decision of the Regional Committee would have an adverse effect on a minority group, then approval of that decision will require seven members of the Regional Committee. This provision protects the Muslim and Sinhala communities from any proposal by the Regional Committee that is, in their opinion, harmful to their interests.

Subject to the protection above, two members of the Regional Committee may request redress when a proposal submitted to the Regional Committee by a District Committee is rejected; consequently, rejection of that proposal will require seven members of the Regional Committee. This provision allows proposals put forward by District Committees (which may have a greater representation of a particular ethnic group than the Regional Committee) to be passed by the Regional Committee without the necessary consent of the LTTE nominees.

Regional Fund: A Regional Fund will be set up to make available funds for relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development in the Six Districts. A multilateral agency will serve as the custodian of the fund.

District Committees: Functions: The District Committees will identify needs, receive and generate project proposals, and monitor the progress of projects.

Composition: The District Committees that are currently established and functioning in the Six Districts will be used in this role. However, the Committees will ensure adequate Muslim representation and a proper gender balance.

Comments

Relationship with Other Development Activity: Normal government-financed development in the Northern and Eastern provinces will continue as before, including in the Six Districts, in addition to what the Joint Mechanism does.

Role of Treasury: The function of actually allocating and disbursing the donor funds will be retained by the Treasury; the High-Level Committee only formulates the policies regarding these. In addition, the Regional Fund administered by the multilateral agency will be set up by an agreement between the multilateral agency and the Government of Sri Lanka. The LTTE, as a non-state entity, cannot be party to such an agreement.

President accuses JVP of thwarting tsunami aid deal As the deadline for the JVP’s withdrawal from the government neared, President Chandrika Kumaratunga yesterday accused her main coalition partner of trying to thwart the proposed tsunami relief aid deal by falsely claiming it will lead to a separate homeland for the LTTE.

The President dismissed claims by the JVP about the deal to share billions of dollars in international donor aid with the LTTE.

“This (joint mechanism) does not threaten Sri Lanka's national security or territorial integrity as perceived by some,” President said in a live interview with the SLBC. The President said the Joint Mechanism or the Tsunami Relief Board would be just an administrative process for one year in a two kilometre strip in eight districts of the North and East. She said full details of the agreement had not yet been given as it has not yet been finalised. She said the agreement would not be signed by her or her secretary but by the secretary to a ministry.

The President said this process provides an opportunity of bringing the LTTE into the mainstream of politics and she believed the contry should not miss this opportunity. Later yesterday the President met Tamil National Alliance Parliamentarians and reiterated her commitment to the Joint Mechanism. The JVP last week vowed to quit the coalition on June 16 if the president went ahead with a tsunami aid deal. The party, which has 39 seats in the 225-member parliament, holds the balance of power for the government which has a slim majority of five seats.

President Kumaratunga has pledged to set up a joint mechanism to distribute international aid in areas controlled by the LTTE and among other survivors of the December 26 tsunamis that killed nearly 31,000 people and initially left one million homeless.

JHU, JVP compete in opposing Jumbos join NGOs’ campaign for JM by Shamindra Ferdinando

The UNP is backing President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s efforts to justify the hotly disputed Oslo-arranged Joint Mechanism. The main opposition, at loggerheads with Kumaratunga over a range of issues, particularly her handling of the peace process, initiated by them, had authorised a UNP role at the meetings organised by the National Anti-War Front, a consortium of likeminded political groups and foreign funded NGOs.

Late last week the front stepped up its campaign with a meeting in Colombo. Firebrand UNP MP Dr. Rajitha Senaratne appeared on the same platform with Western Province Chief Minister Reginald Cooray, former PA M P Baddegama Samitha and TNA MP Nadaraja Raviraj.

Speakers urged President Kumaratunga to go ahead with the move to share tsunami aid and assistance with the LTTE. They harshly criticised the JVP and JHU for blocking the deal that would facilitate the efforts to resume direct negotiations. The LTTE suspended its participation in the peace process in April, 2003, several months before President Chandrika Kumaratunga took over three key ministries, including defence, before dissolving the Parliament in early 2004.

Recently a presidential advisor urged NGO leaders to step up their pro-peace efforts regardless of the JVP threat to quit the alliance.

Well informed sources said that efforts are being made to bring together all parties and groups supportive of Norway’s peace initiative, particularly the ongoing effort on the proposed Joint Mechanism. But the opponents appear to be sharply divided with both the JVP and the JHU trying to take control of the politically important protest campaign.

The Jathika Sanga Sammelanaya, affiliated to the JHU, last week challenged the JVP to quit the alliance before President Kumaratunga finalises the deal. They ridiculed the JVP for waiting to leave the alliance after the signing, warning that an agreement would have to be implemented even if Kumaratunga’s government collapsed. Political sources said that the JHU had wrong-footed the JVP by launching a fast unto death campaign in Kandy.

Well informed sources said that the JHU’s actions forced the government to deal directly with it. The sources said that the JHU appeared to have scored heavily by securing a guarantee from President Kumaratunga that she wouldn’t go ahead with the proposal without consulting the Maha Sangha. The JHU also came on top in protests marches held in Colombo. The JVP-led protest march from Punchi Borella to Fort Railway station was eclipsed by the JHU’s march on the President’s House.

Ven. Dambara Amila thera of the National Bhikku Front, affiliated to the JVP, launched a fast unto death Saturday, the day Ven. Omalpe Sobitha called off his fast unto death campaign after the government’s favourable response to their demands. The sources said that the two parties were fighting for supremacy. The sources ruled out the possibility that they and their affiliated organisations could work out a common programme.

Lanka faces international rap over JM delay Co-Chairs meet in Washington by Shamindra Ferdinando

The Co-Chairs of the stalled Sri Lankan peace process are expected to reiterate their call for the implementation of the proposed Joint Mechanism aka the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) to facilitate an unprecedented aid sharing deal with the LTTE.

The US, the EU, Norway and Japan are scheduled to meet in Washington today to review the situation, particularly the crisis triggered by the mounting opposition to the arrangement dispensed by them and the international lending agencies. Sri Lanka is not represented at the Washington meeting. US Ambassador Jeffrey Lunstead had left for Washington to take part in the meeting well informed sources said.

Under pressure from the fast unto death launched by JHU heavyweight Ven. Omalpe Sobitha, MP, and the JVP ultimatum, President Chandrika Kumaratunga had assured that she would consult Mahanayake theras on this issue. The sources expressed fears of the Co-Chairs taking a tough stand. "They wouldn’t accept the government’s failure," the sources said, while speculating on the possibility of the LTTE and its front organization the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation (TRO) taking advantage of what is seen as uncompromising stand taken up some political parties and nationalist groups. They would seek to receive funds direct, the sources said.

The Co-Chairs are expected to reiterate their call for the speedy implementation of the arrangement. "They wouldn’t take no for an answer," the sources said. Several influential diplomats including Lunstead had publicly called for the Joint Mechanism. Lunstead had gone further claiming that this (Joint Mechanism) would facilitate the resumption of direct negotiations.

The sources said that the donors and international lending agencies had indicated that they expected the government to go ahead with the proposal. The Island learns that the Indian government backs the proposal as it didn’t want to be seen as a stumbling block. An official pointed out that India would not want to be seen as a hurdle as she strives to win a place in an expanded Security Council. Both Japan and India are seeking UN Security Council seats.

TNA meets President: Stresses urgency for TRC A delegation of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) met President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and held detailed discussions in respect of the North East Tsunami Relief Council (Joint Mechanism). The TNA impressed upon the President that the Tsunami Relief Council should be established early.

The President explained to the TNA the various issues that had arisen in relation to the establishment of the Tsunami Relief Council and reiterated her commitment to the early establishment of the TRC. Discussions were also held with regard to matters of mutual concern.

TNA Parliamentary Group Leader R. Sampanthan raised the question of the Trincomalee situation and urged that the Government should pursue action as per assurances given by Government delegation at the meetings in Trincomalee. The President assured the TNA that a Government delegation will visit Trincomalee shortly to pursue appropriate action. The need to review the deployment of additional Armed Forces in the Trincomalee Town was also discussed. The President assured the TNA that appropriate action was being taken in this regard. Associated with the President at this discussion were Deputy Minister Dilan Perera and Member of Parliament Wijedasa Rajapaksa.

The TNA delegation comprised R. Sampanthan, Parliamentary Group Leader of the TNA, Joseph Pararajasingham, MP, Mavai Senathirajah, MP, Suresh Premachandran, MP, Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, MP, and K. Sivajilingam, MP.(TELO).

Getting past the crisis over joint mechanism By Jehan Perera
The withdrawal of the Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Thera from his fast unto death has stabilised the political situation for the time being.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga was once again able to put her considerable powers of persuasion to good use when she met with the leading Buddhist prelates in the country. She was successful in reassuring them that they would be consulted over the controversial proposal for a joint mechanism on tsunami relief for the north east to ensure it would not be detrimental to the country.

However, another group of Buddhist monks with different political backing have now embarked themselves on a threatened fast unto death. So the crisis continues.The political and social crisis over the proposed joint mechanism with the LTTE has reached such a high pitch that it is difficult to predict its end with any degree of certainty. Some of the key questions that are of concern to the people are whether or not the President will go ahead and sign the agreement, notwithstanding the consequences that could flow out of such a decision; whether or not the JVP will both leave and try to bring down the government; and whether or not the President will dissolve parliament as a way out of the looming crisis.

Although it is being said that many of the chief protagonists are busily consulting astrologers and soothsayers, it is time alone that holds the correct answer.

If the President does sign the agreement, as she has publicly committed herself to doing, there is little reason to disbelieve the JVP's threat that it will leave the government. In fact the JVP has now given the government time until June 16 to decide to withdraw itself from the joint mechanism, failing which the JVP will itself withdraw from the government. But whether the JVP will actually seek to actively bring down the government is another matter. On the issue of the joint mechanism, the JVP has found itself rapidly outflanked by the more nationalist JHU, of which the Venerable Sobitha is the general secretary. Therefore, the JVP is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea.

Any future election in which the JVP is not a part of the political alliance led by the President is likely to see their numbers in Parliament plummet. The only reason that the JVP has 39 seats in Parliament, and not half that number, is the advantageous coalition it cobbled with the much larger SLFP that is headed by the President. Unlike other sections of the nationalist polity, the JVP does not have an interest in cutting short the term of the present Parliament in which they play an important role. Therefore, withdrawing from the government, and also bringing down the government by voting against it, would be counterproductive to the JVP. 1957 Replayed

So far the government's handling of nationalist efforts to mobilise the people against the joint mechanism has been successful. The tear gassing of nationalist protestors, including Buddhist monks, attempting to march on President's House was the heavy-handed side of governmental counter measures. But the finesse being demonstrated by the government in belatedly engaging in dialogue with the leadership of the Buddhist clergy, and the mass media campaign also belatedly being engaged in, bodes well for forward movement that does not lead to social and political chaos.

For a while it seemed as if the country was about to see a replay of the events of 1957-58. At that time the President's father, Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, fought a lone battle to ensure the survival of the Bandaranaike-Chelvanayakam Pact that he had signed with the leader of the main Tamil party. If that agreement to devolve powers to the north and east had been implemented the ethnic conflict would probably not have taken the vicious turn it did. But with Sinhalese nationalists vehementlyopposing the agreement, Prime Minister Bandaranaike was forced to yield to the nationalists. His daughter has so far been more resilient. But she also has major support bases that her father did not possess.

The ability of the government to contain the mobilisation against the joint mechanism has been due to a number of factors. The first is the agonising experience of two decades of war that the people experienced by following the lead of those who advocated hard line Sinhalese nationalist policies against the minorities. As a result the forces of Sinhalese nationalism stand discredited in terms of their problem- solving capacities.

People do not support those who only appeal to their sentiments, but who also solve their problems of daily life. The war, and fear of bombs, and reports of mass killings was a horrid reality of the people in their daily lives for two decades.

The second support base for progress in the peace process is the personal credibility of President Kumaratunga who has the ability to speak and act in consonance with the ethos of the majority of people. In addition, the President has the unique track record of a person who has paid an incredibly high price in the combat of the state with violent forces pitted against it. She lost her husband in the period of terror caused by the JVP insurrection, and nearly lost her life and lost her eye to a trademark LTTE suicide bomber. It is difficult to portray the concessions and accommodations of such a person as being motivated by a desire to betray to the enemy. And, as is usually the case, those who hurl accusations of softness and betrayal are those who bear no such wounds of war.

UNP lesson
The refusal of the UNP leadership to join ranks with the rest of the opposition to attack the government on the issue of the joint mechanism is a major sea change from the politics of the past. Some who see the half full glass would criticise the UNP for not coming out in support of the joint mechanism.

The UNP' response to this criticism has been that the government has not shared the relevant documents with either them or the people. There is validity in this UNP position. It is indeed a responsible position to take and not to act on hearsay, even if the hearsay are various odds and ends said by politicians or verbal presentations made at seminars. Even pro-peace civil society groups have found themselves hamstrung in their ability to publicly support the joint mechanism due to not having access to the relevant documents.

But, now that the mechanism has been made public in the Daily Mirror it will be a different story.

Currently, the government does not appear to be acting in the most strategic way with regard to the joint mechanism. On the contrary, the government appears to have fallen between two stools. Either the government could have emulated the former UNP government's handling of the ceasefire agreement. The UNP negotiated the ceasefire in secret and signed it with the LTTE without giving the general public any prior information about it. It was only after the deal was done did the UNP reveal the contents of the ceasefire agreement to the people.

By acting in this manner the then government was able to forestall a crisis similar to what is occurring today. The people were indeed caught by surprise, but they soon saw for themselves that the positive aspects of the ceasefire agreement outweighed the negative. Therefore, those who tried to mobilise the people to oppose the ceasefire agreement met with only a lukewarm response.

The other option for the government would have been to have made a full disclosure of the proposed joint mechanism. Of course for this line of action to have been followed, the government would have had to be convinced of the value of the joint mechanism within itself prior to going public with it.

This was probably difficult for the government, as its second largest coalition partner, the JVP, had adopted an obdurately negative stance on the issue of the joint mechanism. As a result the government has only been prepared to give a general idea of the joint mechanism to the people. But the details have been withheld. This has provided those opponents of any form of engagement with the LTTE a perfect opportunity to exaggerate the joint mechanism and make a mountain out of a molehill.

It is unfortunate that the details of the joint mechanism had not been made known to the people all this while. This has also meant that the advantageous aspects of the joint mechanism are also not known to the people. Some of the opponents of the joint mechanism have even claimed that it confers more powers on the LTTE than what the LTTE demanded in its proposed Interim Self Governing Authority ((ISGA). On the basis of what is publicly known, and what has been disclosed in small group meetings, nothing could be farther from the truth.

The government may be concerned that coming out with the details will lead to nit-picking and controversy. But keeping the people ignorant of the details, and delaying taking a decision, has led to greater controversy. The way forward for the government would be to decide swiftly to sign it now that it has been made public.

Serious rift within JHU over Ven.Sobitha's death fast

A serious rift has risen within JHU over the removal from the place of fast of Ven.Omalpe Sobitha Thera who was on death fast protesting against President Chandrika Kumaratunga's JM.

The reason for the rift is believed to be over the acceptance of a vague and evasive letter bythe President by Ven.Sobitha Thera who was fasting unto death for 5 consecutive days. It has been the opinion of a group headed by Ven.Athureliya Rathana Thera that Ven.Sobitha Thera should have fasted unto death. However a party supporting Ven.Sobitha Thera has stated that the fast should be called off considering the prevailing situation.

This being the reason for the rift Ven.Sobitha Thera has voiced his opposition , to which group supporting Ven.Rathana Thera has threatened to release to the media the pictures revealing the true nature of the fast of Ven.Sobitha Thera.

Sivaram killing: Two PLOTE suspects remanded By Senaka de Silva
Two suspects believed to be PLOTE members were yesterday arrested in connection with killing of veteran journalist Dharmaretnam Sivaram after he was abducted opposite a restaurant in Bambalapitya on April 28.

Colombo Crimes Division Director Sarath Lugoda said the suspects were believed to be senior PLOTE members. Senior Superintendent Lugoda said the police were able to gather valuable information including the identity of the others involved in the conspiracy to abduct and kill the well-known journalist and the spot where the weapon was said to have been discarded.

He said Mr. Sivaram’s cell phone PIN card was found in the possession of one of the arrested suspects and the Pajero vehicle which had been used to transport the journalist after his abduction was also discovered.

The SSP said six more suspects were expected to be arrested. In the course of inquiries more than 100 persons had been questioned and some 16 houses searched. The suspects are to be produced in court.

Go ahead with P-TOMS, Ranil tells President By Ranga Sirilal
UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe yesterday pledged support to the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure proposed by President Chandrika Kumaratunga for the disbursement of tsunami aid to the North-East.

Mr. Wickremesinghe said the UNP would not topple the government if the JVP broke away on account of the P-TOMS The two leaders held a one-hour discussion at President’s House as the government faced its biggest crisis over the P-TOMS.

At the meeting, Mr. Wickremesinghe told the President to go ahead and sign the P_TOMS agreement without further delay because the wavering and vacillation were causing uncertainty and turmoil in the country. He said he believed the JVP would not topple the government as it would not want to see a UNP government in office.

But whatever happened he believed the President should go ahead with the P-TOMS while the UNP would watch the situation and decide what to do.“The UNP does not oppose the mechanism, and we wrote to the government last month informing it of our stand. We will not oppose any solution to the North-East problem if it subscribes to the Tokyo and Oslo declarations”, Mr. Wickremesinghe told the President.

The UNP leader said tsunami victims in the northeast and other parts of the country were still suffering more than five months after the catastrophe and he urged the President to act decisively in the relief and rehabilitation efforts.

Meanwhile the Presidential Secretariat in a communiqué said the meeting between the President and Mr. Wickremesinghe was cordial .It said the President explained the details of the P-TOMS and some of the problems that had arisen while pledging to keep the opposition informed of all developments.

President insists on P-TOMS, attacks JVP By Kasun Yapa Karunaratne
President Chandrika Kumaratunga yesterday vowed to SLFP Parliamentarians and electoral organizers she would sign the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure (P-TOMS) before the end of this month irrespective of objections or obstructions by any one.

Addressing a crisis meeting of MPs and party organizers the President launched a scathing attack on the JVP saying nothing useful could be done during the UPFA government’s term of office because of obstructions by the JVP.She accused the JVP of thwarting foreign investment and the effective distribution of Samurdhi aid to the people and said the Dahasak Wew programme undertaken by the JVP was a futile exercise.

The President said she was not bothered about the JVP’s threat to pull out of the government and she believed there would be no major problem for the government. At the two-hour meeting the President said she had given a full awareness of the P-TOMS agreement to the Mahanayake Theras and said she was now doing the same for the SLFP MP and organizers.

After the President’s explanation of the positive elements in the P-TOMS agreement the MPs and organizers were given an opportunity to express their views. Minister, Mangala Samaraweera who recently quit his media portfolio said he was not against the P-TOMS agreement but was concerned about the effects it would have on the UPFA.

He said he feared that if the UPFA broke up the UNP might win the forthcoming local elections and even the Presidential elections. The President interrupted Mr. Samaraweera’s speech but he insisted that she should have worked things out in consultation with all parties in the UPFA.

Southern Province Governor Kingsley T. Wickremaratne suggested to the President to present the draft of P-TOMS to parliament. But she inquired whether he was in his proper senses. Mr. Wickremaratne made no comment.

Dilan Perera, Arjuna Ranatunga, Mahindananda Aluthgamage, Mervyn Silva and Lasantha Alagiyawanna advocated the implementation of the P-TOMS and proposed the launching of awareness prorammes for the Maha Sangha and the people. Accordingly it was proposed to conduct district level awareness programmes for the people by June 30, to distribute handbills explaining the P-TOMS deal and to organize an ‘Adhistana puja’ for the Maha Sangha.

Referring to the Daily Mirror which carried an exclusive story on the full draft of the P-TOMS, the President said she gave the draft copies to eight people to study and one of them had leaked the document to the newspaper.

Sri Lanka May Raise Interest Rates for Second Time This Year

June 14 (Bloomberg) -- Sri Lanka's central bank may raise interest rates for the second time this year to stop inflation harming the island's recovery from last year's tsunami.

The Central Bank of Sri Lanka may lift its 7.75 percent repurchase rate, at which it drains money from the banking system, by as much as half a percentage point, according to four economists surveyed by Bloomberg. The Colombo-based bank is scheduled to announce its decision tomorrow morning.

Central banks in India, the Philippines, Thailand and Taiwan have all raised their benchmark rates this year to cool inflation. Higher interest rates may threaten the Sri Lankan economy's recovery from a two-decade long civil war as well as the Dec. 26 tsunami, which killed 39,000 people and left half a million homeless.

``Rising rates will disrupt the growth cycle because borrowing costs will go up,'' said Hasitha Premaratne, head of research at HNB Stockbrokers Pvt Ltd. in Colombo. ``There is also the question to whether growth will ever happen because there has been a delay in the flow of tsunami aid.''

Sri Lanka's inflation rate accelerated to 12.4 percent in May from 11.9 percent in April as higher fuel costs drove up the cost of cooking fuel and transport, according to the statistics department. Inflation may quicken during the next few months after state- controlled Ceylon Petroleum Corp. on June 4 increased the price of both petrol and diesel by more than 8 percent. This was the second price rise this year.

Fuel Prices

``The revision of fuel prices means inflation is going to rise further,'' said S.Jeyavarman, who helps manage the equivalent of $20 million in stocks and bonds as chief executive officer of National Asset Management Ltd. in Colombo. ``Electricity prices will go up later this year and that will add to the cost of business.''

The central bank on May 13 raised its repurchase rate by a quarter-point to 7.75 percent and its reverse-repurchase rate by the same amount to 9.25 percent. Both key rates had earlier been raised by 50 basis points on Nov. 10. All four economists surveyed by Bloomberg also expect an increase in the reverse-repurchase rate by as much as half a percentage point. A basis point is 0.01 percentage point.

The prospect of higher interest rates has prompted investors to take money out of the island's stock market. The Colombo All- Share Index last week fell 3.9 percent, the biggest one-week drop this year, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

Sri Lanka's central bank may also follow the lead of the U.S. Federal Reserve if it increases rates again this year, said investors such as Namal Kamalgoda.

`Firm Footing'

``In the long term, interest rates here will rise and we will see them at a higher level by the end of this year,'' said Kamalgoda, who helps manage the equivalent of $145 million of stocks and bonds as chief investment officer at Eagle NDB Co., the country's biggest fund.

U.S. Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan said June 9 the world's biggest economy is on a ``firm footing'' and central bankers may keep raising the U.S. benchmark interest rate at a ``measured'' pace, cooling speculation about a pause in rate increases.

June 13, Colombo: Sri Lanka stocks rose slightly today at the Colombo bourse as cautious investors hunted for bargains across the board amid growing political uncertainty in the country over the President’s next move on the aid sharing mechanism with rebels.

The key Colombo All Share Price Index gained 2.72 points or 0.15% to close at 1,851.87 while more liquid and highly capitalized Milanka Price Index rose 3.83 points or 0.15% to close at 2,571.71. Market turnover ended below average in thin trade at 144 million rupees with Foreign Purchases of 22.2 million rupees and Foreign Sales of 38.4 million rupees. The trading volume closed at 6.16 million shares.

Asiri Medical dominating the turnover traded 1.52 million shares with no change to close at 3.00 rupees a share. Nations Trust shares rose 1.18% trading 851,600 shares. Lanka IOC shares gained 0.51% to 49.25 rupees trading 204,400 shares. Blue chip giant John Keells holdings gained 0.20% to close at 124.25 rupees trading 172,500 shares while Distilleries shares rose 1.50% to 33.75 rupees trading 125,400 shares. Other major contributors to the turnover included Telecom (486,000), Tess Agro (371,100), Nawaloka Hospitals (289,200), Royal Ceramics (233,900), Asia Capital (220,000) and Reefcomber (202,000).

Post tsunami reconstruction boosted the Construction and Engineering index up by 22.4 points or 6.03% while Information Technology index rose 3.33%. Trading, Manufacturing and Hotels and Travels sectors posted gains above a percent. Land and Property and Healthcare sectors posted noticeable losses.

Central Industries gained 34.25 rupees or 31.71% to place at the top of the gainers’ list. Other top gainers included Ceylon Holiday Resort (16.67%), Ferntea (9.57%), Metal Packaging (8.11%) and Pegasus Hotel (7.14%).

Sathosa Motors posted a loss of 10.50 rupees or 15.44% to place at the top of the loser’s list. The other top losers included Property Development (-12.32%), Blue Diamonds – non voting (-7.14%), Hapugastenne Plantations (-7.14%), and Kelsey Developments (-6.25%).

Ceylon Glass announced a 5.5% final dividend payment to be paid on July 20th.

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Some 47 years later, history seems to be repeating itself with the country's political leadership having to bow down to the pressure of the Buddhist clergy. One prominent monk has been staging a fast unto death for five days urging the non-formation of a joint mechanism with the LTTE.

In 1958, the late S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike sought to seal a pact with S. J. V. Chelvanayagam giving recognition to the political needs of the Tamil community. But that never saw the light of day. Now, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike's daughter, President Chandrika Kumaratunga is seeking to create a joint mechanism between the state and the LTTE but is facing with the same stiff resistance - principally from the Buddhist clergy.

Quaint Kandy was in turmoil last week with Vice President, Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), Ven. Dr. Omalpe Sobitha Thero staging a fast unto death. The JHU monks have been opposing any formation of links with the LTTE, firm in their belief that the LTTE could never be persuaded to lay down arms - a condition that they consider mandatory to hold any talks with the outfit.

Naturally, the pressure on President Kumaratunga is immense and it is as if the world is waiting to find out whether the daughter would also succumb to the same pressure as did her father. When The Sunday Leader visited Kandy, strangely, the conservative Kandy community appeared to have come to terms with the idea of having a joint mechanism with the LTTE. Most people who spoke were in agreement that a joint mechanism would eventually pave the way to lasting peace and a necessary step, given the present scenario.

Yet, seeing Ven. Sobhitha Thero lying there in a semi conscious state, people emotionally backed away from the scene and willingly signed a public petition denouncing the proposed joint mechanism. While Ven. Sobhitha Thero is drawing all the attention, the JHU campaign is being amply supported by the Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya (JSS).

Secretary, JSS, Ven. Galagodaththe Gnanissara Thero said that according to information received, President Kumaratunga may postpone the event due to the ongoing fast. The angry priest promised that the bihkku community would leave no stone unturned and would launch massive islandwide campaigns against the formation of a joint mechanism and even cross the line of democracy, if necessary. As for the spokesman of the JHU, Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thero, the joint mechanism was a mechanism to give the LTTE control over territory. " Giving it legal support," he said.

The Thero argued that Kumaratunga - though empowered to sign such agreement should necessarily bring it to parliament for legislative sanction. "That would not be possible for she lacks a majority," he added. What transpires in Kandy could be devastating. It also could be the government's make or break point. But the public mood is sombre. While they desire a peaceful solution to the conflict they also do not wish to witness the suffering of a revered monk. That pulls at their essentially Buddhist heartstrings.

It is this religious fervour that gets expressed when they sign a petition denouncing the joint mechanism. The plight of the monk inspires such emotions among the people - and it influences their decision in supporting the JHU. According to Hela Urumaya activist, Champaka Ranawaka, the need of the hour was to kick start the reconstruction process. For this, he suggested that government officials be allowed to commence work in the LTTE controlled areas.

"The LTTE's main objective is to have their interim administration and the tsunami is a convenient opportunity to reach their goal." When asked whether all these protests were not causing a delay in the reconstruction programme, Ranawaka ironically said that it was due to the failure of the government mechanism. Ranawaka is adamant that there would not be any compromise on their stance. Japanese students hold Sivaram memorial

Students at a Tokyo university where Tamil political columnist and military analyst, Dharmaratnam Sivaram was scheduled to speak shortly before he was abducted and murdered by unidentified gunmen in Colombo on April 28 held a memorial in the slain journalist's honour last week. Students from the International Internship Programme at Chuo University in Tokyo who had been expecting to listen to Sivaram's speech gathered at the Policy Studies Faculty to pay their respects, sources said.

"The murder of a person such as Dharmaratnam, who enthusiastically sought, and fought for, the rights of Tamils by being a bridge across ethnicities, has placed a profound obstacle to the achievement of peace between Tamils and Sinhalese," student representative, Mitsugu Maekawa said. "Such a loss makes us reconsider how difficult it is to untie all the tangled causes of conflict between the two sides," he said. "However, we want to believe there is still a way in which both sides can come together for peace, respecting each other under different systems of governance in the small island," he added

Tsunami relief and reconstruction in Sri Lanka - UK's contribution

The UK government donated over 13 million dollars directly to aid relief and reconstruction in Sri Lanka in the immediate aftermath of the tsunami. The UK's Department for International Development funded seven flights for the UK Disasters Emergency Committee (an umbrella organisation of British NGOs), providing staff to help with relief work. It made direct grants to UN agencies and international NGOs to provide shelter, water sanitation equipment, food and other essential help to tsunami victims.

In addition, the UK is providing debt relief to Sri Lanka worth over $79 million over the next 10 years, to be used for post-tsunami recovery and poverty reduction work. The UK will pay a proportion of Sri Lanka's interest payments on its debt, so this is absolute relief. Over $3.2 million has been donated to aid relief and reconstruction in the Maldives by the UK Government. This has included gifting two landing craft and heavy plant equipment (such as bulldozers and tipper trucks), and donations to UN agencies. The Royal Navy helped to restore power generation.

The UK has also made significant contribution to region-wide tsunami relief, currently in excess of $146 million, a proportion of which will benefit Sri Lanka and the Maldives. A full breakdown of the UK government contributions to tsunami relief work in Sri Lanka and the Maldives could be downloaded from the internet. The UK public has also responded, donating over $600 million to the Disasters Emergency Committee as well as other charities towards work on tsunami relief across the region. The Foreign Secretary, Jack Straw, described the response of the British public as "staggering."

JVP moves for common candidat
President calls TNA leadership for meeting today and UNP leader tomorrow

The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) yesterday vowed to talk to "partriotic elements" in all political parties for a common candidate at the upcoming presidential election and to abrogate a joint mechanism which President Chandrika Banaranaike Kumaratunga wants to sign with Tiger guerrillas to share aid for tsunami recovery.

This will be a priority task for the JVP which will quit the UPFA Government on Thursday if President Kumaratunga does not call off this move, JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe said. His party has already issued an ultimatum to her to do so before midnight on June 15. The move came as President Kumaratunga invited the Opposition UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe for talks tomorrow at the Janadipathi Mandiraya. She is to discuss matters pertaining to the joint mechanism with Tiger guerrillas.

President Kumaratunga has invited the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) for a meeting today at 11 a.m. at President's House. Deputy Minister Dilan Perera had extended the invitation on behalf of the President. TNA parliamentarian Joseph Pararajasingham said a delegation comprising Parliamentary group leader R. Sampanthan, MPs Gajendra Kumar Ponnambalam, Suresh Premachandran, Mavai Senathiraja and K.Sivajilingam would attend the meeting.

Though the joint mechanism was expected to be signed on June 12 or 15, Ms. Kumaratunga has now decided it will not take place this month. A fresh date in July or thereafter is yet to be determined. "We have an obligation to those who voted for us. We will engage in discussions with patriotic elements within the SLFP, the UNP, the MEP, the NUA, the EPDP and other groups. This is for a mutually agreeable joint candidate," he said in an interview with The Sunday Times. "JVP Cabinet Ministers will resign and all MPs will sit in the opposition benches. In addition we will also move to opposition benches in all the Provincial Councils," he added.

Mr Amerasinghe said the common candidate would also be the rallying point for all those who had expressed their opposition to how the Tiger guerrillas had strengthened themselves politically and militarily. It will also be a rallying point for those seriously concerned with the erosion of the country's sovereignty.

The interview came as the JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva wrote a four-page letter to President Kumartunga on Friday giving reasons why she should not sign a joint mechanism with the LTTE. He said she should give up the idea of signing an agreement on this joint mechanism before June 15. Although President Kumaratunga was to have signed the agreement with the LTTE at an auspicious time on June 12 or 15, she has decided to delay it further. This week, when SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena asked her whether he should cancel a proposed trip to London in view of the signing, she told him to travel.

She said no signing would take place until after his return on June 22. The Sunday Times learns that the signing ceremonies will be further delayed indefinitely. This is said to be in view of certain assurance President Kumaratunga gave the Mahanayake Theras on Friday.

CBK says Mahinda the UPFA candidate
Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse will be the UPFA's candidate at the upcoming Presidential elections. This has been formally conveyed to him by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga. It came when she met Premier Rajapakse for a lengthy meeting on the controversial joint mechanism last Monday at Janadipathi Mandiraya. President Kumaratunga told Mr. Rajapakse it was she who had made him the Leader of the Opposition and later the Prime Minister. Similarly she would also make him the UPFA's Presidential candidate but she warned him not to be misled by other political parties.

The veiled reference was to the JVP, the Government's junior partner which has issued an ultimatum to quit the UPFA if President Kumaratunga does not withdraw the joint mechanism before June 15. Kumaratunga had also mentioned Premier Rajapakse's candidacy for the Presidential elections to a group of MPs. The other contender, Tourism Minister Anura Bandaranaike had been present on that occasion.

Associated Press, Sat June 11, 2005 02:17 EDT . COLOMBO, Sri Lanka (AP):A senior Buddhist monk ended a six-day fast Saturday over government plans to share tsunami aid with Tamil Tiger rebels, after assurances that President Chandrika Kumaratunga would consult leading Buddhists.

Omalpe Sobitha had refused all food and liquids since Monday to pressure Kumaratunga to abandon a deal with the Tigers to share the distribution of billions of dollars in tsunami aid to Tamil-majority areas under rebel control. The rebels had complained that aid didn't arrive fast enough following the devastating Dec. 26 tsunami.

Critics of the proposal have said it would help the rebels gain international recognition and help their cause of carving out a separate state in the northeast. Sobitha - a National Heritage Party lawmaker - accepted water Saturday after two influential chief priests visited him in the holy city of Kandy with a message from Kumaratunga that she would not share aid without consulting the four highest Buddhist orders, said party spokesman Nishantha Sri Warnasinghe.

``He has been taken to hospital in an ambulance,'' Warnasinghe said. The chief priests also told Sobitha that they will not allow the government to take any action detrimental to the interests of Sinhala Buddhists, Warnasinghe said. More than 70 percent of Sri Lanka's 19 million people are ethnic Sinhalese, mostly Buddhists, and the monks wield great influence. Most Tamils are Hindus.

Police used tear gas and wooden batons Friday to disperse hundreds of angry party supporters led by dozens of monks who breached barricades and attempted to enter Kumaratunga's home. Three monks were injured in the commotion and were hospitalized. The Tamil Tigers are currently observing a fragile cease-fire with the government after waging a two-decade war to create a separate state for ethnic minority Tamils, accusing the Sinhalese-dominated state of discrimination.

Kumaratunga has vigorously promoted the aid deal as a way of forging peace with the Tigers as both sides recuperate from the tsunami, which killed at least 31,000 people in Sri Lanka.

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Ready for new alliance
JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe yesterday invited the UNP to form a new alliance. Addressing the Galle JVP Balamandalaya, the JVP leader said his party was ready for an election at any time and vowed to form a new alliance and win. He said President Kumaratunga was committing political suicide by signing the joint mechanism. (PR)

Killing of Daily Mirror columnist Chief suspect served time for abortive Male coup by Shamindra Ferdinando Is Dharmaretnam Sivaram's killing the latest in a spate of unsolved assassinations that involved PLOTE cadres? This is the question asked in Tamil circles as they expressed dismay over the possibility of a PLOTE involvement in the assassination that drew international condemnation.

The UN, the outgoing Dutch Ambassador and EU presidency Susan Blankart-Berkouwer and the Japanese Ambassador Akio Suda condemned the killing.That was in the backdrop of shocking claims that the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) and Karuna loyalists were involved in the abduction of the 46-year-old Daily Mirror columnist Sivaram (a former colleague of this correspondent) on the night of April 28 as he walked out of a Bambalapitiya restaurant with three persons, Kusal Perera, Ravi Kumudesh and a nephew of UNP MP Sagala Ratnayake.

According to well informed Tamil political sources the first PLOTE cadres to die in the hands of their colleagues were Selvan and Ahilan from Muttur way back in 1982-83 period. They are believed to have been killed over a dispute between Ahilan and a cadre from the neighbouring Batticaloa district. The dispute had been over a girl who used to accompany Ahilan to Colombo. "She was part of his cover. Unfortunately both Ahilan and the Batticaloa cadre were interested in her and the resulting quarrel led to the killing of both Selvan and Ahilan," the sources said.

The sources said that the wife of the chief suspect, now in custody, hadn't been allowed to talk with him. But she had been permitted to see him, the sources said. The suspect had been among the heavily armed PLOTE group that made an abortive bid to seize power in Male in the 80s. Captured by the Indian Army group, sent to quash the coup, the suspect had been among a large group held overseas. After his release, he had returned to the PLOTE and had been among the top rankers who mingled with the leader.

The announcement by the JVP follows the joint-statement by the Buddhist prelates belonging to four Chapters of the Buddhist order in Sri Lanka, the Maha Sangha, demanded President Kumaratunga to make a clear statement, within 24 hours, on whether she intends to abrogate the Joint Mechanism proposal. President Kumaratunga Friday morning assured to Maha Sangha that there would be no agreement with the LTTE without the consensus of the Buddhist order in the country.

Monks influence Lankan politics By Amal Jayasinghe
COLOMBO: Sri Lanka, regarded as a repository of Theravada Buddhism and seen as upholding the orthodox branch of the religion for over 2,500 years, is emerging as a hotbed of Marxist monks.Saffron-robed monks lead political demonstrations providing colour and content and give more than spiritual power to parties, even though the Buddhist majority nation faces a severe shortage of clergymen for theological work.

All mainstream Sinhalese-majority political groups have a band of Buddhist monks loyal to them, including the Marxist JVP, or People’s Liberation Front, which is usually in the forefront of public demonstrations.While the religion considers suicide a sin, Buddhist monks are increasingly threatening to kill themselves to press their political demands. A JVP-backed group has threatened to launch a fast-unto-death campaign from the weekend to protest government plans for an aid sharing deal with Tiger rebels.

“So many have threatened to fast unto death, but no one has died so far,” said devout Buddhist and leading political analyst Harry Gunatillake. “I don’t think the clergy should get involved in politics like this.”The world’s first all-clergy party of Buddhist monks, the JHU or the National Heritage Party, won nine seats in the Sri Lankan parliament at elections last year — giving them political clout.

The monks were also involved in a punch-up in parliament, with one landing up in hospital with a urinary problem after being kicked by a ruling party lay legislator shortly after their election.There are more militantly Marxist monks outside the assembly. Hundreds of monks walk behind huge cut-outs of Marx and Lenin during JVP May Day rallies here.Two failed armed uprisings of the JVP in 1971 and 1987 had the backing of monks. A total of 80,000 people were killed in the two failed insurrections, some of the victims being monks.

The Buddhist affairs ministry estimates there are between 30,000 to 40,000 monks in the country but the numbers are insufficient to staff all the temples in the country of 19.5 million people. Some have closed down due to lack of priests.

A state campaign for a mass ordination of 1,000 monks four years ago was cancelled after a poor response. Some of the younger monks are also known to give up robes after completing their university education.The entry of monks into politics has sparked a public debate but the legislator monks use theology and history to justify their shift from the pulpit to politics. “According to the Vinaya (the set of rules for Buddhist monks) there is no bar to monks entering politics,” Buddhist monk legislator Uduwe Dhammaloka said in a recent interview.

“When there were threats to the nation, monks even went to the battlefield ... In history, there are many examples of monks getting involved in running the state.”More recently, a Buddhist monk in September 1959 shot dead then prime minister Solomon Bandaranaike, Kumaratunga’s father, as he moved to offer concessions to minority Tamils who are mainly Hindus.

Nearly 70 per cent of the country’s population are followers of Buddhism while 15.5 per cent are Hindus. However, there is no religious conflict in the country where Hindus consider Buddha to be one of their gods and almost every Buddhist temple has a shrine for Hindu deities.National leaders pay obeisance to the Buddhist hierarchy before launching any new venture and even diplomats posted to Sri Lanka call on Buddhist monks after presenting their credentials to the president.—AFP

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June 9, 2005

JVP wants Sri Lanka govt to guarantee that LTTE will not return to war

June 09, Colombo: The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) would consider supporting the proposed Joint Mechanism with the LTTE if the Sri Lankan government could guarantee that the machinery would not lead to war and that the LTTE would abandon its Eelam claim, put an end to all killings and extortion, and take steps to enter the democratic process.

JVP sources said the government should give this guarantee prior to signing the Joint Mechanism or ‘Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure’, as it has been called. Political analysts speculate that despite all these obstacles, the government will sign the Joint Mechanism and the JVP will nevertheless remain a part of the government.

“From the way they go about, indications are that ultimately they will agree with the government to safeguard their position and would come out strongly against it when elections come. They know well that if they leave, that will [allow] other parties to rally round the government and ensure its future, leaving the JVP to be in the dark,” one analyst opined.

Indo-Lanka friendship vital for stability in region - Natwar Singh BY MANJULA Fernando

INDIAN Foreign Minister Natwar Singh said yesterday he was delighted to visit Sri Lanka, a close and a friendly neighbour to review the progress made since the India-Sri Lanka Joint Commission last met in October 2003.

"The enduring friendship between our democracies is a major factor for peace and stability in our region," he told at the Bandaranaike International Airport soon after his arrival. The Minister said India remains firmly committed to support the Government's efforts to consolidate the peace process and promote development adding that the solution should accommodate aspirations of all communities and ensure territorial integrity of the country.

Singh will meet a cross section of Parliament members including SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem and a group of TNA parliamentarians during his visit, an Indian Foreign Ministry spokesperson said yesterday. Singh arrived here around 4.00 pm yesterday commencing a two day official visit, mainly to co-Chair the 6th session of the Indo-Sri Lanka Joint Commission meeting where a gamut of bilateral issues in the fields of finance, trade, investment and tourism will be discussed at the Foreign Ministry today.

The tour marks the signing of two important agreements between the two countries - an agreement for a five year education exchange program and a draft MoU for grant assistance on small development projects. The educational cooperation program envisages enhanced cooperation between educational institutions in study and research based on academic needs. The agreement will pave the way for setting up of a joint working group to decide on the areas in which the cooperation should be expanded.

The small development projects agreement will cover small projects below US $ 3 million and community based programs and will emphasise the transfer of know-how, technology and managerial skills. India entered into a similar agreement with Nepal in 2003.

On the sidelines of his visit, the Indian Minister will also talk to Sri Lankan think tank representatives. He will be hosted to dinner by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga today followed by a breakfast meeting with Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe tomorrow. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse will meet the visiting envoy this morning prior to his meeting with Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar at 10 am before the Joint Commission meeting. The Indian Minister will leave Colombo on Saturday.

Muslim legislators express support for JM

Muslim Ministers and Deputy Ministers of the Government yesterday met President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to discuss further the proposed Tsunami Relief Council (JM). This was one in a series of several meetings held for this purpose during the past month, a release said. They asserted that the Muslim people of the North and East do not have a requirement for such a council to undertake its reconstruction work.

Yet, they unanimously expressed their understanding of the need and their support for such an arrangement to obtain the participation of representatives of all the peoples affected by the tsunami, including the LTTE, in the humanitarian work and reconstruction process. However, they expressed concern with regard to a few sections of the proposal and requested the President to take action to ensure that the full rights of the Muslim people of the East are guaranteed within the Tsunami Relief Council.

CBK discusses JM with Muslim parties By Kelum Bandara
President Chandrika Kumaratunga has told a Muslim delegation, including the four dissident Muslim MPs who are with the government, that she would get the support of the TNA to maintain the majority in Parliament if they withdrew their support. President Kumaratunga said this at a meeting with the Muslim parliamentarians yesterday to discuss the proposed Post-Tsunami Operation Management Structure. "This is one of the best deals struck with the LTTE. I do not want to miss this opportunity," she told the Muslim representatives.

According to political sources, the Muslim representatives have expressed the concern of the Muslims about the proposed mechanism and periphery committees and the President had promised them to take up those matters with the LTTE.Referring to the JVP opposing the joint mechanism, the President said she was optimistic the JVP would not quit the government if the mechanism was signed. She said even if the JVP quit, she could go ahead with TNA support.

Meanwhile, Deputy Minister and National Unity Alliance general secretary M.H. Cegu Issadeen who also attended the meeting said the importance of the Muslim community being a signatory to the mechanism was impressed upon the President.

"If this mechanism is for reconstructing the tsunami-affected areas, the Muslim community is the most affected. Their areas were the worst-hit areas. Therefore we cannot leave out a community which has a separate political identity, when entering into an understanding with a less affected Tamil community," he said. He said the Muslim representation on an equal basis must be ensured in the apex, regional and district bodies to be established under the mechanism.

According to a media communiqué from the Presidential Secretariat the Muslim delegation said that though the Muslims in the North-East did not want such a mechanism to carry out reconstruction work they unanimously expressed their understanding of the need and support for such an arrangement to obtain the participation of representatives of all parties, including the LTTE, in the reconstruction process. The meeting at which the President and deputy minister Dilan Perera represented the government lasted for two hours. Ministers Ferial Ashraff and A.H.M. Fowzie were among those who represented the Muslim delegation

Three pronged strategy to re-develop Trinco Port BY SHIRAJIV Sirimane

SRI LANKA Ports Authority (SLPA) has decided to re develop South Asia's biggest natural harbour, in Trincomalee. Vice Chairman Sri Lanka Ports Authority Dr. Krishan Deheragoda said this would be one of their priorities.

Trincomalee has been neglected for the past two to three decades and this was the reason for the government to decide to re-develop the harbour. The SLPA has formulated a three pronged strategy for this purpose. The Trincomalee Port has over 500 acres of land out of which only less than 20 percent has been developed. Some of the land belonging to the Port has been encroached and the SLPA planning to relocate some of the encroached families out side the harbour area.

Dr. Deheragoda said that the available land would be developed in three zones. One zone would be for tourism where land would be provided for building of hotels and other leisure activities. "We would be soon calling for expressions of interest (EOA) for this purpose," he said. The second zone would be for an industrial park. This area would provide space for ware houses, oil tanks and all other port related activities. The third area would be for relocating several families who have encroached land belonging to the SLPA.

Dr. Deheragoda said that they are also planning to separate a special area for high end eco tourism. "What we are planning to do is to leave some of the existing land with thick jungle for this purpose," he said. The government will also focus on passenger transport operating to and from the Trincomalee Port since the area is a major tourist attraction.

Trincomalee is a natural harbour which is approximately 18 hours sailing from the main lane of international waters. The inner port draft is unlimited and any type of vessels can be accommodated and co-ordinated. Trincomalee, is considered by military experts as one of the best deep sea ports in the world. It is situated strategically on the sea routes through which oil is carried from the Middle East to East and far-eastern Asia. According to observers, Trincomalee is a "strategic jewel". The Chinese government has already pledged assistance to develop the Hambantota harbour.

UNP tells govt. to step down By Ranga Sirilal
The UNP yesterday vowed to rescue the country from the grips of crisis and urged the UPFA government to step down.

UNP Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya said while his party would not betray the country, the UNP was in the dark regarding the contents of the proposed joint mechanism. "The UNP will not oppose any move which is in the interest of the country and we will not obstruct the government as some people did. But we should be made aware of the details of the joint mechanism to comment on it," he told a news conference in Colombo.

"President Chandrika Kumaratunga took over three key ministries from the UNP saying that the national security was under threat and the cost of living was very high. The JVP also pressured President Kumaratunga to dissolve parliament charging that the UNP government was planning to sell heritage sites and divide the country. But today the country is facing a serious crisis. People are struggling to survive due to the escalating cost of living. The crime rates are increasing and the economy is hit badly due to the government's mismanagement," Mr. Jayasuriya charged.

"The UPFA led by some storytellers painted a false picture to mislead the people.The UPFA pledged to stop the political killings, bring down the cost of living, increase the salaries in the public sector and give permanent employment to unemployed youth. Has the government fulfilled these promises?," he asked. "In 2001 we managed to convert the negative growth to a positive one, through efficient management. We increased paddy production and reduced the cost of living," he said.

UNP assistant Secretary Tissa Attanayake said the UNP would hold a massive Janabala Meheyuma protest march from Devundara to Colombo urging the government to step down without placing more burdens on the people.

When Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar was asked by the Daily Mirror yesterday whether the document was signed yesterday he said: "I think you will have to wait for another edition." It is expected the P-TOMS document would be signed by two officials from both sides.

On Tuesday, Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar and SLMM acting chief Wagn Winkel met an LTTE delegation that included its political wing chief S.P. Thamilselvan and LTTE peace secretariat head S. Puleedevan in Kilinochchi. Political sources said the Norwegian facilitators had taken several suggestions of the government to the LTTE.

Speaking at a ceremony in Kandy on Tuesday night to commemorate war heroes, President Chandrika Kumaratunga expressed her commitment to peace and said that nothing could dissuade the government from the path to peace. If and when the P-TOMS is signed the rift between the coalition partners of the UPFA government is expected to widen with the JVP expected to take its own course. Making a hard hitting speech in Parliament yesterday the JVP's Wimal Weerawansa said his party would take a bold decision in the coming weeks if the President went ahead with the P-TOMS deal.

The JVP politburo has decided that the JVP MPs should sit in the opposition when the PTOMS is signed. It has also decided to quit the alliance at provincial councils levels as well. Meanwhile, the fast-unto-death campaign launched by JHU secretary Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Thera in front of the Dalada Maligawa entered the third day. Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse called on the fasting monk and requested him to give up the fast and come for discussions but the JHU rejected the request and said the fast would be given up only when the government assures the P-TOMS would not be signed.

Snap polls after signing JM? By Ranjith Ananda Jaysinghe
In an indication of a snap poll following the signing of the joint mechanism deal with the LTTE, Presidential Secretariat officials had reportedly sought the advice of Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake on the possibility of holding a general election, authoritative sources told the Daily Mirror last night.

The officials had discussed with the Elections Commissioner about the finalisation of the 2004 Electoral lists and political analysts describe the move as an indication of an imminent General Election. The officials also exchanged ideas with Mr. Dissanayake over the facilities needed to hold an early election and the printing of ballot papers, the sources said.

On her return to Colombo from Kandy yesterday the President had discussed with Attorney General K.C. Kamalasabayson and the Legal Draughtsman Mrs Therese Perera, the basic framework for a General Election and amendments required to the Draft Legislation for the implementation of the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure.

It is also reported that the President had also exchanged ideas over the telephone with Norweigian Ambassador Hans Brattskar, Norweigian Special Envoy Erik Solheim and LTTE chief negotiator Anton Balasingham who is currently in London. Presidential Secretariat sources said the President would be signing the Joint Mechanism which is also known as the P- TOMS after the LTTE clearance is given and was likely to then proceed towards a snap general election.

Ten reasons to support the joint mechanism for tsunami recovery By Jehan Perera
For the past several weeks the issue of a joint mechanism to deliver assistance to tsunami victims has been at the forefront of national politics. The controversy over the issue threatens both the political stability of the country as well as the future of the peace process. Those who meet with people at the grassroots and middle levels of society in various parts of the country, will realise that a lot of heat, but little light is being shed on what the joint mechanism really is.

In the meantime, there are desperate attempts being made to utilise the ignorance that exists in society regarding the joint mechanism, to gain political advantage out of the situation. This exploitation of ignorance is deplorable and it is necessary to condemn those who utter blatant untruths and fan fears about imaginary consequences of the joint mechanism. It is also necessary to condemn the killings that take place every day. The killings are both of persons opposing and supporting the LTTE, and they continuously erode the confidence of the people in the peace process.

There are two ways to deal with opponents. One is to defeat them through force. The other is to engage them in dialogue and reason out a mutually satisfactory solution. Our country tried the way of force for over twenty years, but all that it brought us was a cruel war that devastated the land and its people. The resort to force again will lead to a breakdown of the ceasefire and lead us once again into a war that no sane person would want for this country again.

By way of contrast, the way of dialogue and consultation is the way shown to us by the great religions to bring peace to where there is conflict. The joint mechanism on tsunami recovery is a method of peace that utilises face-to-face meeting, dialogue and mutual agreement as the basis for its functioning. By briefly surveying the 10 points set out below, we will see how advantageous the joint mechanism is to bring about peaceful change in our country. We can see this especially in comparison to the LTTE's proposal for an Interim Self Governing Authority. By this comparison, we will also see how much flexibility the LTTE has shown in agreeing to the joint mechanism.

1) Direct Talks:
The joint mechanism (which is officially given the name of Post Tsunami Operational Mechanism) provided the first opportunity for the government and LTTE to talk directly to each other since the peace talks were suspended two years ago. From April 2003 until the tsunami disaster of December 2004, the LTTE insisted that the only issue on which they would talk to the government would be the Interim Authority. But after the tsunami, the LTTE changed its inflexible position and agreed to talk about a joint mechanism to bring recovery to the tsunami victims of the north east.

2) Mutual Agreement:
Compared to the LTTE's proposals for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA), which they came up with in October 2003, the joint mechanism for tsunami recovery is a mutually agreed document. The ISGA was the LTTE's unilateral proposal. By way of contrast, the joint mechanism is the result of both the government and LTTE negotiating with one another. This is the first occasion on which the LTTE has sat directly with the government and successfully worked out a mutually acceptable document.

3) Limited Powers:
The ISGA proposal sought plenary power for the LTTE over the north east. The LTTE asked for all powers currently wielded by the central government in relation to the north east. This included powers over administration, taxation, judiciary, police, land, sea, human rights and financial audit. By way of contrast, the powers of the joint mechanism are limited to those of recommending, prioritising and deciding on projects for relief, rehabiliation and reconstruction of the tsunami affected areas of the north east.

4) Limited Area:
The ISGA proposals sought the powers of governance for the LTTE over the entirety of the north east. By way of contrast, the joint mechanism is only applicable to a 2 kilometre strip of land in the north east that extends inland from the sea coast.

5) No Constitutional Change:
As the ISGA proposals sought a far reaching transfer of powers, they would not have been accommodated within the constitution. Implementing the ISGA proposals would have required an amendment to the constitution. By way of contrast, the joint mechanism is a system of three levels of committees, one at the national level, a second at the regional (North East) level, and a third at the district level. These committees have the power to decide on suitable projects for tsunami recovery. The joint mechanism does not require a constitutional change for it to become operational. It is a mechanism that is within the scope of the Sri Lanka constitution.

6) One Year Term:
The ISGA proposals envisaged a five year term of office. If the government and LTTE failed to reach agreement on it at the end of the first term, the term of the ISGA would be automatically extended. In addition, the powers of the ISGA could be increased at the end of the five-year term even if there was no agreement between the government and LTTE. By way of contrast, the term of the joint mechanism will only be for one year. If the government and LTTE are unable to reach agreement with each other at the end of the year, the joint mechanism automatically gets dissolved. It is only if the government and LTTE both agree that the powers of the joint mechanism or its term can be further extended.

7) Shared Decisions:
The proposed ISGA had no apparent role in it for the central government. It is totally concerned with powers of self-government, and has no concept of shared powers. (Of course, we need to remember that the ISGA proposal was the LTTE's first offer at the bargaining table. In the course of negotiations, there is no doubt that the government would have made alternate proposals to reduce the powers of the ISGA and to increase its own role in it). By way of contrast, the joint mechanism is about shared powers of decision making with the government and Muslim parties being partners with the LTTE in the decisions that are made.

8) Minority Veto:
The ISGA proposals had no special protections for minority rights. The ISGA proposals did state that there would be no discrimination and that human rights would be upheld. But monitoring abuses would have been left to the ISGA and its LTTE-controlled agencies. By way of contrast, the joint mechanism has a special protection for minority communities. The joint mechanism has five LTTE nominees, three Muslim nominees and two government nominees. If even two members of the ten feel that a decision can have a negative impact on any community, then that decision has to be taken by a majority of seven out of those ten. This means there is an effective minority veto.

9) International Monitoring:
The international community has been generous to Sri Lanka, both to reconstruct the war-affected north east, and also the entirety of the tsunami-affected areas of the sea coast. Naturally, therefore, the international community would wish to make sure that their money is used for the welfare of the affected people, and not for other purposes. The ISGA proposal did not have any special place for international monitoring. By way of contrast, the joint mechanism provides for the representation of international donor and embassy officials in the district committees. These international representatives can monitor what happens to their money.

10) Equal Status for Muslims:
The Muslim community has been expressing its frustration with the peace process since its inception. They point out that they have not been recognised as a party having equal status in the conflict and in the peace process. The ISGA did not concede an equal place to the Muslims. By way of contrast, the Muslims will have equal representation in the national level committee of the joint mechanism, and a powerful voice in all other committees. It is unfortunate that the details of the joint mechanism have not been made known to the people. This has also meant that the advantages of the joint mechanism are also not known to the people.

The government may be concerned that coming out with the details will lead to nit picking and controversy. But keeping the people ignorant of the details has also led to controversy.

It is a pity that our political leaders do not have the confidence in the people of a Mahatma Gandhi who said, "Don't mistrust the people, for theirs is an amazingly responsive nature." It is indeed a tragedy that the tsunami, that caused the government and LTTE to become more flexible, is not opening our eyes and hearts to working together to rebuild our war-ravaged and tsunami-destroyed country.

Norway hopeful of way out of political impasse
Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar told reporters in Colombo that his government and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission understood and
appreciated the patience of the Thamil Tiger rebels in the face of grave provocations of paramilitary forces that have been identified as agent provocateurs functioning with the active connivance of the military establishment in the island.

'We have made our point clear. We are not policemen and do not have any say in the issue of protection of political workers on either end of the spectrum. We are here to report to the international community about the violations of the ceasefire agreement (CFA) from both the sides. We have performed our job of apprising the government of Sri Lanka and the Thamil Tigers the points of conflagration. Further we are trying to find a way out of the impasse,' Brattskar said.

'Vidar Helgessen, our deputy foreign minister who oversees the issues will visit Sri Lanka next month to iron out differences between the two sides. In more ways than one, we are happy that both the sides have shown great restraint in upholding the CFA and as a result the peace accord has been in existence for more than three years. However, our job is only half done. We will have to convince both the sides to jettison hitherto hard line positions and come to the negotiating table once again in the interest of the people here. I will go to Norway for consultations and after that our minister will arrive to find a way out of the present impasse. Further, we are trying very hard to get both the sides to sign the evolved form of Joint Mechanism soon,' Brattskar added.

Indian foreign minister to visit Lanka
India's foreign minister Kunwar Natwar Singh is scheduled to reach Colombo Thursday on a two day official tour. Though the foreign ministry in Colombo has said that Singh's visit is to attend the VI Indo-Sri Lanka Joint Commission and discuss bilateral issues including trade, the real reason is said to be the recent political development in Sri Lanka due to the recalcitrant attitude of the JVP especially in the context of the Joint Mechanism with the LTTE - a pre-condition stipulated by the donor nations.

President Kumaratunga had told the Indian prime minister Dr. Manmohan Singh that everything was sorted out in Sri Lanka with regard to the JM. However, the possibility of the political equation in Colombo changing drastically has hastened the Indian foreign minister's visit.

Official sources, however, maintained that foreign minister Singh will use the visit to take the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC) forum further in the light of its summit taking place in Bangladesh later this year. Among others, Singh will meet Lankan premier Rajapaksa, foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar and president Kumaratunga.

.

June 7

JHU leader continues death fastBy J.A.L. Jayasinghe and Shane Seneviratne

JHU General Secretary Ven. Omalpe Sobitha Thera continued his fast unto death for the second day yesterday on a special dais at the Mahamaluwa of the Sri Dalada Maligawa.

The fasting monk was given moral support by eight other monks seated on the stage with him and by JHU members in Kandy and Colombo. JHU Parliamentary group leader Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thera who hit the headlines when he intervened at the international donor meeting in Kandy last month vowed that the Ven. Sobitha Thera would continue the fast till President Chandrika Kumaratunga dropped her plan for a Joint Mechanism with the LTTE. The JHU installed a public address system on the stage with loud speakers but senior Kandy police officers objected saying the party had not obtained police permission. The monks asked the police whether they did not like to listen to seth pirith.

Later the Ven. Thibbotuwave Sri Siddhartha Sumangala Mahanayake Thera of the Malwatte Chapter appealed to the Ven. Sobhitha Thera to call off his fast.But the fasting monks and other JHU leaders told the Mahanayake to urge the President to withdraw the JM proposals and then the fast would be called off.

June 7

Mangala quits, govt. crisis deepens By Poorna Rodrigo and Kasun Yapa Karunaratne

As the crisis in the UPFA government reached a flashpoint or breaking point yesterday, senior minister and one time presidential confidant Mangala Samaraweera resigned from his media portfolio while President Kumaratunga reiterated her determination to go ahead with the controversial Joint Mechanism and vowed to pursue the path of peace.

Government sources said Mr. Samaraweera handed over his letter of resignation to the President but an official statement scheduled to be issued by Media Ministry secretary W. B. Ganegala last evening was delayed without explanation while sections of the state media denied Mr. Samaraweera had quit.

The sources said Western Province Chief Minister Reginold Cooray who is to resign from that post soon is likely to be appointed as media minister amidst wide speculation of a cabinet reshuffle and other major steps if and when the JVP pulls out of the UPFA government in protest over the signing of the Joint Mechanism deal with the LTTE.

They said the other major steps the President had indicated were to invite the opposition to form a government or dissolve parliament if the JVP pulled out.

No official reason was given for Mr. Samaraweera's resignation from the media portfolio, but reports over the weekend said the President had appointed her confidants Harim Peiris and Eric Fernando to give daily briefings to state media bosses and this had been done without informing Mr. Samaraweera. Though quitting the media portfolio Mr. Samaraweera will remain in the cabinet as Minister of Ports and Aviation.

As the crisis deepened amidst

June7

Pressure on president increases as Sri Lanka crisis deepens:

Sri Lanka's political crisis deepened Tuesday with ethnic Tamil rebels warning that a cease-fire that has held since February 2002 is now ''endangered,'' a key minister quitting one of his Cabinet portfolios and the Buddhist clergy commencing a fast-unto-death to protest a tsunami aid sharing deal between the government and the rebels.

S.P. Tamilselvan, the head of the political wing of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, told reporters after a meeting with Norwegian Ambassador Hans Bratskar in rebel-held Kilinochchi that the government's refusal to provide an air bridge for its commanders to move safely across government-held areas between the northern and eastern provinces endangers the cease-fire agreement concluded in 2002.

''The failure to resolve this issue will call into question the continued observation of the cease-fire agreement,'' Tamilchelvan said. Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera, a key loyalist of Kumaratunga who helped broker a 2003 deal between the president's Sri Lanka Freedom Party and the Marxist JVP or People's Liberation Front resigned his post on Tuesday but kept his second portfolio of ports and aviation. Samaraweera has been increasingly unhappy at Kumaratunga's interference in affairs of the state media since her differences with the JVP, implacably opposed to a deal between the government and the Tamil Tiger rebels for handling tsunami reconstruction in the northern and eastern provinces, parts of which are under rebel control.

The JVP says that the government cannot legitimize a ''terrorist group'' with a formal agreement with them. Kumaratunga is committed to the arrangement, backed by the international community. Her Marxist ally, which holds 39 seats in the 225-seat legislature, has threatened to quit the government, in which it controls four cabinet ministries, as well as the ruling alliance if the president goes ahead with her plans to sign the tsunami aid sharing agreement with the LTTE. A JVP pull out could topple the government although Kumaratunga can expect the backing of Tamil parties now in the opposition.

Meanwhile a leading Buddhist monk, Omalpe Sobhitha, who was elected to parliament in 2004, has begun a fast-unto-death at the Temple of the Tooth in Kandy, to protest the aid sharing deal. The temple, housing a Buddha's tooth relic venerated by million of Buddhists worldwide, is considered one of Buddhism's holiest shrines.

''The proposed deal with the LTTE is an attempt to hand over part of the country to terrorists,'' Sobhitha said. ''We cannot allow it.''

June 6
Sri Lanka monks start death fast on joint deal with Tigers

Sri Lanka's all Buddhist monk political party kicked off a death fast Monday against President Chandrika Kumaratunga's plan to enter a joint deal with the Tamil Tigers to co-ordinate tsunami relief operations. A spokesman for the JHU or the Heritage Party said their monks would continue their death fast near the historical temple of the tooth in the central town of Kandy until the president gave up hermove to set up a joint mechanism with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) rebels.

A JHU release said that Venerable Omalpe Sobhitha, one of its nine parliamentarians will fast to death. The JHU appears to have tightened the pressure on Kumaratunga after she returned from India over the weekend reportedly obtaining the nod from the Indian government on the mechanism.

Kumaratunga has faced mounting criticism of her move which her detractors say would confer recognition to the Tigers. Her main coalition partner, the JVP or the People's Liberation Front, has threatened to walk out of the government if she entered the deal with the Tigers. The JHU's fast began a day after the JVP backed monks gave warnings of a 48 hour deadline for the government to give up the move.

Kumaratunga backed by the international community appears determined to enter the deal, claiming that it was a mere administrative arrangement limited to a period of one year covering a radius of two kilometers of the devastated coastal linein the LTTE controlled areas in the north and east.

June 6

TELO office in Batticaloa searched by SLA soldiers:
Around hundred Sri Lankan Army (SLA) soldiers entered the Batticaloa office of the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO), a constituent of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), Saturday night at 12.00 AM and searched the office. Military Intelligence (MI) officers and paramilitary cadres from the Razeek Group participated in the search operation.

There were around 10 officials of the organisation at the office which is located at Sree Sabaratnam Road in Batticaloa town.The search operation was conducted at the same time as the SLA soldiers attempted to enter the LTTE administrative office in Batticaloa.

5 Jun 2005
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Why 02nd June 2005 TELO's Vavuniya TV retransmission station attackedTELO's Vavuniya TV retransmission station attacked Sun Television retransmission station in Vairavarpuliyankulam in Vavuniya district operated by cadres of Tami Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) was attacked with hand grenades by unidentified attackers at 1.45 AM Thursday moring, causing damages worth Rs 1 million to equipment. Witnesses to the incident said that a group of three persons carried out the attack before escaping. Vavuniya Police and Sri Lanka Army (SLA) soldiers visited the scene of the incident and began investigations. Motive for the attack has not been established, Police said.The station administered by TELO rebroadcasted Sun TV channels to Vauniya town and surrounding areas.

5 Jun 2005

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Police have cracked the murder of journalist Sivaram Dharmaratnam but are keeping it under wraps until all suspects are arrested. The Sunday Leader learns, the murder plot was carried out by a political party supportive of the government and with close links to another political party which is holding a ministerial office in government. Sivaram was abducted by an unidentified group on Thursday, April 28 when he was returning from a restaurant in Bambalapitiya. His bullet riddled body was found near parliament the following day, Friday April 29.

The suspected assassins, according to witnesses were heard to be talking in both Sinhala and Tamil whilst they were waiting for Sivaram to come out of the restaurant, the investigation has revealed. The breakthrough, The Sunday Leader learns came after the assassins left a vital trail which led to material evidence in the case being unearthed. The Sunday Leader though in full possession of the details of the breakthrough will refrain from publishing the details to enable the investigators to apprehend all the suspects. However, if any attempt is made to hush the investigation because it will embarrass any persons or political parties a full disclosure will follow next week.The IGP, Chandra Fernando was not available for comment yesterday.

4th June2005

Sri Lankan army intensifies activity at Omanthai checkpoint

The Sri Lankan army is reportedly strenghtening its presence around the strategic checkpoint of Omanthai in the Vanni region.The Sri Lankan army is reportedly strenghthening its camps in the northern Sri Lanka, especially around the Omanthai checkpoint in the Vanni region. Omanthai is a staretgically significant checkpoint where passengers have to go through the check by the Sri Lankan and LTTE soldiers to either enter or exit Vavuniya towards northern Jaffna peninsula or to the south.

The Sri Lankan armed forces are said to be strengthening their positions by rehabilitating the camps. Passengers have reported that they noticed the Sri Lankan armed forces intenified acitivities in the region over the past few days.The Sri Lankan armed forces have not made any comments over the complaints by the passengers travelling through the checkpoints.

LTTE leadership meets with Thamil National Alliance (TNA) MPS from the Batticaloa-Amparai region and urges them to work towards peace in the region between different communities S.P. Tamilselvam, chief of the political wing of LTTE, held wide ranging discussions with the MPs of Batticaloa-Amparai region in Kilinochchi on Monday. The discussions focused on the current situation in the eastern parts of the island.

The LTTE leadership has reportedly asked the TNA parliamentarians to work hard at fostering peace between all the communities in the sensitive region. It is worth recalling that the LTTE is doing its best to make its position in the eastern part stronger, especially since the renegade Karuna was excluded from the movement.The eastern part of the island remains sensitive and vulnerable to communal trouble because it has people of different communities living here, including Thamil-speaking Muslims, Hindus,Christians and the Buddhist-Sinhalese.

Police question Sinhala journalist over his statement about Sivaram murder

Bandula Padmakumara, a Sinhala journalist was questioned by the police over a statement he made alleging that the JVP officals might be aware of the identity of Sivaram's murderers. Sri Lankan police interrogated a senior Sinhala journalist, Bandula Padmakumara at his office in Bambalapitiya on Monday with regard to a statement he had made over the murder of senior Thamil journalist Sivaram. Padmakumara had earlier stated that the Marxist Janatha Vimukthi Permuna (JVP) officials might have known the murderers of Sivaram.

The Sinahala journalist was interrogated by the Sri Lankan police based on the complaint made by the JVP leadership. The interrogation lasted over an hour at the journalist's office Monday, said sources in Colombo.The journalist has expressed fear over the investigation saying his life could be under threat. He is likely to file a formal complaint with the police in the near future.

Sri Lankan government decides to stop releases of prisoners during festive seasons

The increasing crime rate and the fact that some of the released prisoners got back to crime has forced the Srilankan government to decide on stopping the release of prisoners during festive seasons. Sri Lanka jail officials said Sri Lanka will never release convicts in the future as it did in the past. There were instances in the past when the officials freed prisoners during the festive seasons.

Sri Lanka had taken this decision in view of the increase in number of crimes. The sources said many freed prisoners got involved again in criminal activities after their release. However, they said Sri Lankan government will free some prisoners on the day of independence.Over 2,500 prisoners were awaiting to get release on the Vesak day. But the government did not free them.

Youth struck by lightening

In an unfortunate incident in the northern Jaffna peninsula, a youth was killed on the spot after being struck by lightening A youth was killed by lightening on Sunday in Point Pedro in the northern Jaffna peninsula while he was practicing cricket in front of his house by himself. Sources told Eelam Nation that the youth was killed instantly on the spot. Several palmyra trees also were burnt due to the lightening.Several people have died so far in this year due to lightening in the peninsula alone, said sources.

Speakers highlight the work of slain journalist Sivaram at memorial
service

Speakers praised slain journalist Sivaram at memorial service held in Bern. Sivaram who was killed in Colombo last month, played a key role in highlighting the genuine cause of the Thamil liberation struggle Malaimahal, LTTE's 'Malathi's bridge' cadre and creative artist told the audience at the memorial service held in honour of slain journliast Sivaram that there was so much to learn from his work. Sivaram was killed in the Sri Lankan capital of Colombo last month. The memorial which was held in Bern, Switzerland on Sunday. Malaimahal said further that Sivaram helped the liberation struggle led by the Thamils immensely.

Journalist Thavarasa said at the ceremony that Sivaram was a courageous man who was a role model for other journalists. He said further Sivaram never gave up and helped boost the cause in the northeastern part of the island of Sri Lanka.Other speakers too had praise for Sivaram, who they added had played a key role to boost the liberation struggle through his pen. According to the speakers, Sivaram had helped the international community and Sinhala readers understand the genuine cause of the Thamils in the island of Sri Lanka.

03rd June 2005

Tamil-majority northeast shuts down demanding withdrawal of Sri Lankan troops

Schools, shops and offices were closed in north-eastern Sri Lanka Friday to demand the withdrawal of government troops to a restive city after clashes between ethnic Tamils and Sinhalese, officials and residents said.

About 2,000 additional military personnel and police were sent to the eastern port town of Trincomalee following the outbreak of ethnic violence late last month over the construction of a Buddhist statue in the heart of the multi-religious town. We only want these additional troops withdrawn as promised. They are blocking normal life,'' said lawmaker Kanagalingam Sivajilingam of the TELO Leader. Sri Lanka's government had promised to withdraw the extra security forces immediately in return for the postponement of a strike by Tamils, Sivajilingam said.

About 70 percent of Sri Lanka's 19 million people are Sinhalese Buddhists. However, nearly equal numbers of Buddhists, Hindus and Muslims live in Trincomalee, about 230 kilometers (140 miles) northeast of Colombo. The Sri Lankan navy has a base there. During the protest Friday, unidentified attackers lobbed a grenade into a vegetable market near Trincomalee, causing four people to be slightly wounded, police officer Neville Wijesinghe said. Ethnic Tamils, mostly Hindus, opposed the construction of the Buddhist statue and held a five-day strike last month. Violence broke out and one person was killed in a grenade blast.

Relations between Sinhalese and Tamils soured over allegations of discrimination in education and jobs by the Sinhala-dominated state. Tamils began an armed insurrection in 1983 demanding a separate state for Tamils in the north-east. More than 65,000 people were killed in the conflict before a 2002 Norway-brokered cease-fire was signed. Peace talks have been suspended since 2003.

One thousand out-patients and 60 in-patients each month will now have access to a rehabilitated psychiatric ward in the Thelipallai Hospital in Jaffna, thanks to a grant from the United States worth $ 225,000. In addition, 300 displaced families in Jaffna, half of which are headed by women, will benefit from newly constructed sanitation facilities and access to clean water.

The American-financed project also trained fifteen Internally displaced young men in concrete casting and pre-fabrication skills to construct latrines to service formerly displaced families returning to Thelipallai, Jaffna, Kopay, Point Pedro and Chavakachcheri.

Representatives from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) participated in a ceremonial re-opening of the upgraded hospital wing and toured sanitation and clean water facilities in Jaffna on June 1.

Country Representative for USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives, Mike DeSisti said, "Despite the clear and immediate needs of tsunami-affected communities in Sri Lanka, it is important that we remain mindful of the tremendous toll of 20 years of conflict - not only in the North and East but elsewhere on the island as well. Access to quality mental health care services is critically important. The American people are pleased to play a part in assisting Sri Lankans to rebuild communities and restore normalcy to their lives."

The combined hospital and water-sanitation project was implemented by Community, Habitat, Finance (CHF), a U.S - based non-governmental organization, in collaboration with the Ministry of Health, German development agency GTZ, the United Nations High Commission on Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO).

USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) program seeks to generate greater support for a negotiated peace settlement through small-grant activities that aim to increase collaboration and participation among diverse groups, or to create awareness and increase understanding of key transition issues.

Since USAID initiated the program on March 2003, OTI has signed 385 small-grant agreements - mostly with local organizations, totalling more than $10.4 million.

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02nd June 2005 :

Human Rights Watch slams Sri Lanka for acquittals in child-soldier massacre

An international human rights group Thursday blasted Sri Lankan authorities for failing to bring to justice the killers of 28 Tamil children at a state-run center to rehabilitate young rebel fighters.

Nearly 3,000 villagers stormed the rehabilitation center in Bandarawela, 200 kilometers (125 miles) east of the Sri Lankan capital Colombo, in October 2000 after some former Tamil child soldiers took a Sinhalese officer hostage. The 28 children were killed with stones, knives and swords, and the massacre sparked ethnic riots in which two people died. Last week, Sri Lanka's highest court acquitted three villagers and one policeman convicted for murder, attempted murder and unlawful assembly over the mob attack, citing a lack of evidence.

``These acquittals show a shocking failure of the police and judicial system in Sri Lanka to find justice for the dead and injured from this horrific incident,'' said Brad Adams, Asia Director of New York-based Human Rights Watch. ``The judgment of the Supreme Court calls into question its impartiality in dealing with cases related to the Tamil Tigers,'' said Adams. ``The court must put aside politics and personal feelings when dealing with criminal offenses involving Tamils.''

Tamil rebels began fighting in 1983 to establish a Tamil homeland in the north and east claiming discrimination by the Sinhalese majority. Adams said a commission of inquiry faulted two senior police officers for failing to protect the child detainees from the attack, in spite of prior knowledge of a planned demonstration by the local villagers in front of the detention center. ``To date, those in authority who should accept responsibility for the mob killing appear to be protected instead of investigated,'' Adams said in a statement.

He called for a fresh investigation ``to identify those, including senior police officials, responsible for the killings.'' A Norwegian-brokered cease-fire in 2002 halted the fighting between the Tigers and government forces that killed nearly 65,000 people. However, subsequent peace talks have stalled since 2003 over rebel demands for wide autonomy.

02nd June 2005 :

Sri Lanka accused over Tamil case:

The camp at Bindunuwewa was destroyed after the attack The US-based Human Rights Watch has launched a stinging attack on Sri Lanka's judicial system after four men were acquitted of killing 27 Tamils. It said the acquittals revealed "a shocking failure of the police and judicial system to find justice for the dead and injured". The Tamils died when locals stormed their detention centre in 2000. Last week, the Supreme Court said the defendants' guilt had not been proved beyond reasonable doubt. A Sri Lankan presidential spokesman told the BBC the case had gone through due process, and said he was not prepared to comment on a judicial matter. The judicial authorities could not immediately be reached for comment.

Police role: Human Rights Watch said the case showed crimes committed against alleged Tamil Tiger members were not being addressed. Those in authority who should accept responsibility for the mob killing appear to be protected instead of investigated
Brad Adams Human Rights Watch:It called for a new investigation to be launched immediately to identify those responsible for the killings. Brad Adams, Asia director of Human Rights Watch, said if there was no new investigation "it will only further distance aggrieved Tamils". The Supreme Court had itself severely criticised the role of the police in the massacre. The 25 October 2000 attack at Bindunuwewa in central Sri Lanka was internationally condemned. As well as the 27 who died, 14 others were seriously injured in the attack. Local residents assaulted the inmates with clubs and knives after reports they had taken a security guard hostage. Some victims were said to have been burned alive.The four acquitted men had been sentenced to death by the Colombo High Court in July 2003 but appealed. The Tamil have fought a two-decade armed campaign for a homeland in the north and east. More than 60,000 people have died.

02nd June 2005 :

TELO's Vavuniya TV retransmission station attackedTELO's Vavuniya TV retransmission station attacked
Sun Television retransmission station in Vairavarpuliyankulam in Vavuniya district operated by cadres of Tami Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) was attacked with hand grenades by unidentified attackers at 1.45 AM Thursday moring, causing damages worth Rs 1 million to equipment. Witnesses to the incident said that a group of three persons carried out the attack before escaping. Vavuniya Police and Sri Lanka Army (SLA) soldiers visited the scene of the incident and began investigations. Motive for the attack has not been established, Police said.The station administered by TELO rebroadcasted Sun TV channels to Vauniya town and surrounding areas.

Head Office: 56, Vairavakovil Road,Vairavapuliyankulam, Vavuniya, Sri Lanka.

Pari: 07956 313181 - Ilanko: 07729 309250 - Jana: 07737 701543(Ex MP for Batticaloa)