Thu, 30 Jun 2005

Sri Lanka's growth turns upwards

Sri Lanka's economic growth has started to recover from the tsunami which hit the island state in December. Expansion for the year to March was 4.8%, up from the 4.4% recorded three months earlier. But the central bank warned that the after-effects of the tsunami which killed thousands and devastated tourism and fishing could still depress growth. It also said instability within the government could pose a threat to continued recovery. It is predicting growth of 5.3% for 2005, down from 5.4% in 2004 and 5.9% the year before that.

Economic damage Before the tsunami, Sri Lanka had been finally staging a recovery from two decades of civil war - although the economy had slowed late in the year. The waves which hit the country on 26 December killed 31,000 people and left more than half a million homeless. According to the central bank, the economic effects were harsh too, with hotels and restaurants losing 39.6% of their trade and the fishing industry contracting by three-quarters.

Other sectors - including banking and transport - also suffered, the bank said. Even so, improved weather early in the year led to an increase in rice production over last year, helping agriculture take up the slack left by the fishing crisis. And the $3bn (£1.7bn) pledged by international donors to be spent on reconstruction could also help economic recovery. Splits But ongoing arguments over the division of aid could yet hamper growth in the rest of the year, the bank said. The main governing party, President Chandrika Kumaratunga's People's Alliance, is prepared to share aid with the rebel Tamil Tigers, who control much of the north-east of Sri Lanka. The decision to do so enraged their erstwhile Marxist allies, the JVP, who walked out of the government.

The resulting minority government could mean a general election later this year. The opposition United National Party is broadly in favour of the deal with the Tigers.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005

Implement P-TOMS as signed say WPF By S.S.Selvanayagam

The Western People’s Front held a demonstration and procession in support of the Joint Mechanism yesterday at the Gas Works Junction in Pettah.

Several political parties and organisations including the People’s Liberation Solidarity Front headed by Prof. Kamal Karunadasa, Democratic Left Front headed by Vasudeva Nanayakara, Hiru group headed by Bashana Abeywardena, New Left Front, New Democratic Party headed by E. Thambiah, TNA Parliamentarians M.K. Sivajilingam, N.Raviraj, Suresh Premachandran as well as WPF Deputy Leader N. Kumaraguruparan and its recently nominated Colombo Municipal Councillor V. Kanghaiverniyan took part.

WPF leader and parliamentarian Mano Ganesan led the procession. At the beginning of the campaign, crackers were lit and the demonstrators burnt an effigy depicting the caricature of the JVP and described as the devil of communalism.

The procession proceeded from Gas Paha Junction to Khan Clock Tower junction at Front Street and returned to the campaign venue. Following were some of the slogans they shouted: “Implement the Joint Mechanism as signed, Chauvinism itself is Separatism, “Let’s advance peace and defeat communalism, Sri Lanka is Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim country, Buddhism is Ahimsa not communalism, “Keep religion out of politics, Let’s share power and get rid of communalism and our donation is peace”.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005

EU welcomes tsunami aid sharing deal, urges LTTE to be democratic By Gihan de Chickera and Uditha Jayasinghe

The European Union yesterday urged the LTTE to adopt a more democratic and pluralistic approach and give other groups more ‘breathing space’ in the wake of the signing of the P-TOMS agreement. While congratulating President Chandrika Kumaratunga, the Government and the LTTE for showing positive and constructive strength in signing the P-TOMS agreement, EU ambassador Wouter Wilton urged the LTTE to be more democratic and pluralist and give others breathing space in its future dealings.

Mr. Wouter pledged EU assistance to all parties to make sure the system works under the P-TOMS and urged all parties to make sure that peace is established in Sri Lanka. Addressing a media development programme on coverage of natural disasters organized by the Press Complaints Commission at the Galadari Hotel in Colombo yesterday, Mr. Wouter said the EU had allocated 100 million Euros which amounts to about 120-130 million US dollars for tsunami recovery projects in Sri Lanka.

He said sixty percent of the funds would be used for rebuilding and recovery operations in the North and East. The money would be contributed through the P-TOMS trust fund of which the World Bank is the custodian, he said, adding that the EU would also monitor the recovery process through the Bank. Of the EU funds allocated for the North and East sixty percent would be used for the regeneration of livelihoods and forty percent for reconstruction and infrastructure development with special focus on road rebuilding, he said.

Mr. Wouter also said there were people in Sri Lanka who needed help but were not affected by the tsunami. “Some of these people have been affected by a tsunami every day for the last two decades”, he said adding that such people should not be forgotten.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005
JVP to go it alone at future elections By Yohan Perera
The JVP yesterday said it would contest future elections on its own and gave an open invitation to the SLFPers who were against P-TOMS to join the party.

Addressing the party’s national convention at Town Hall JVP Leader Somawansa Amarasinghe said it was time to forge a new alliance to save the country and said he saw the downfall of the SLFP soon.Mr. Amarasinghe lashed out at President Chandrika Kumaratunga saying she would have to leave the Presidency with disrespect because of her recent actions.

In a fiery speech, Mr. Amarasinghe also told the security personnel and the police not to follow orders coming from high authorities if they saw them as Constitutional violations. He assured that such brave armed services and police personnel would be duly rewarded once a patriotic government was elected in the future. Mr. Amarasinghe also criticized the UNP for not taking a firm stand on the P-TOMS.

“The UNP has opted to go into political wilderness by acting in this manner. They are not even in a position to participate in television debates on P-TOMS,” he said.“We will set up a people friendly government soon by uniting all communities. We have already made initial discussions with Muslim groups,” he said.

JVP General Secretary Tilwin Silva said President Kumaratunga has fallen into the list of traitors by signing the mechanism. He called upon anti P-TOMS forces to oust her or join the new alliance which would be formed by the JVP soon. He vowed the JVP was ready to make any sacrifice to defeat the traitors.

Thu, 30 Jun 2005
Nghh; epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia Kiwahf Ngz rpwpyq;fh murhq;fj;jpw;F tpLjiyg; Gypfs; 14ehl;fs; fhyf;nfL!
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fle;j Qhapw;Wf;fpoik td;dpapy; ,Ue;J fpof;F Nehf;fp gazk; nra;J nfhz;bUe;j Nghuhspfs; nghWg;ghsh; kPJ fpisNkhh; jhf;Fjy; Nkw;nfhs;sg;gl;lJ njhlh;ghf ,r;re;jpg;gpd; NghJ fLk; mjpUg;jp njhptpf;fg;gl;lJ.

Nghuhspfspd; ghJfhg;G njhlh;ghfTk; Nghh; epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia mjd; tpjpfSf;fika eilKiwg;gLj;JtJ njhlh;ghfTk; 14 ehl;fSf;Fs; rpwpyq;fh murk; mjd; gilj;jug;Gk; cWjpahd gjpiy toq;fhtpl;lhy; Nghh; epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapd; Kd;duhd jkJ ghJfhg;G eltbf;iffisAk; gad eltbf;iffisAk; tpLjiyg; Gypfs; filg;gpbf;f NeUk; vd;Wk; mt;thW NeUk; gl;rj;jpy; Nghh; epWj;j xg;ge;jk; rpf;fyhf NeUk; vd;Wk; jpU. jkpo;r;nry;td; Fwpg;gpl;lhh;.

mt;thW Nghuhspfs; jkf;fhd ghJfhg;igAk; gadj;ijAk; Nkw;nfhs;Sk; NghJ rpwpyq;fh gilapdh; mth;fis jLf;f Kw;gl;lhy; rpwpyq;fh gilapdiu tpLjiyg; Gypfs; Klf;f NehpLk; vdTk; mth; njhptpj;jhh;.

,d;iwa re;jpg;G ,t;tifapy; kpfTk; Kf;fpakhdJ vdTk; jpU. jkpo;r;nry;td; Fwpg;gpl;lhh;.

rpwpyq;fhtpd; tpNrl cyq;F thDhh;jp %yk; fpspnehr;rpf;F tUif je;j ,yq;if Nghh; epWj;j fz;fhzpg;G FOj;jiytUk; Nehh;Nt Jhjuf mjpfhhpfSk; Kw;gfy; 10.00 kzpapy; ,Ue;J 12.00 kzptiu fye;Jiuahly;fis Nkw;nfhz;ldh;. tpLjiyg; Gypfspd; mjpKf;fpa nra;jpNahL 12.30 kzpastpy; ,yq;if Nghh; epWj;j fz;fhzpg;G FOtpdUk; Jhjuf mjpfhhpfSk; nfhOk;G jpUk;gpdh;.

jkpo;r;nry;td; mtu;fs; Clftpayhsu;fSf;F mspj;j nrt;tpapd; KOtbtk;

Nfs;tp:- ,d;iwa re;jpg;G njhlh;ghf?

gjpy;:- ,d;W Kf;fpakhd re;jpg;G ,lk;ngw;wJ. Nghh;epWj;j fz;fhzpg;Gf; FOj;jiytiuAk; mDruizahsh;fs; vd;w tifapy; Nehh;Ntapd; rpwpyq;fhtpw;fhd gjpy; J}jiuAk; re;jpj;Njhk;. ,r;re;jpg;gpy; Kf;fpa tplakhf mz;ikapy; Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; gaz xOq;nfd;W $wp cj;juthjk; mspj;J vkJ Nghuhspfis rjptiyf;Fs; rpf;fitj;J nfhy;tjw;F vLj;j Kaw;rp rk;ge;jkhfj; jhd; ,d;iwa re;jpg;gpy; vkJ jiyikg; gPlj;jpd; ,Wf;fkhd epiyg;ghl;ilAk; mjpUj;jpiaAk; njhptpj;jpUf;fpNwhk;. MfNt> ,t;thwhd jhf;Fjy; eltbf;iffs; njhlUkhfapUe;jhy; njhlh;e;J ,e;j Nghh; epWj;j #oiy jf;f itg;gNjh Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;bw;F Vw;g ehk; ele;J nfhs;tNj rhj;jpak; ,y;yhj xd;whf khWk;. ,d;iwa re;jpg;gpNy kpf Kf;fpakhd vkJ jiyikg; gPlk; vLj;jpUf;fpd;w ,Wf;fkhd cWjpahd epiyg;ghl;il njspT gLj;jpapUf;fpNwhk;. Vnddpy; mz;ikapy; vkJ Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; gazk; nra;fpd;w NghJ ,ilapNy ,uhZt Gydha;T mikg;G mth;fspd; JizNahL ,aq;Fk; MAjf; FOf;fSk; ,ize;J vkJ Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; kPJ nfhiy ntwpj; jhf;Fjy;fis nra;ag; Nghfpwhh;fs; vd;gJ Vw;fdNt vkJ Gydha;T mikg;G %yk; fpilj;j jfty; me;j jftiy fz;fhzpg;Gf; FOtpdhplk; njhptpj;jjd; mbg;gilapy; ,g;gbnahU jhf;Fjy; ,lk;ngwTs;sJ vd;gd mbg;gilapy; vkJ Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fs; ,ilepWj;jg;gl;L ghJfhg;G rhpahf cWjpg;gLj;jg;gl;L me;j tifapy; fz;fhzpg;Gf;FO gilj;jug;gpdJk; murpdJk; KO cj;juthjj;Jld; vq;fs; Nghuhspfspd; gazk; ,lk;ngw;wJ.

,Ue;Jk; gy jlit Rl;bf;fhl;lg;gl;Lk; vr;rhpf;fg;gl;l epiyapYk; vkJ Nghuhspfs; gazk; nra;j NghJ ,ilapNy jhf;fg;gl;Ls;shh;fs;. mj;jhf;Fjy; neUf;fb epiyfis cUthf;Fk; jhf;Fjyhf mike;Js;sJ. me;j tifapy; vkJ epiyikfis tpsf;fpapUf;fpNwhk;. kpftpiutpy; ,uz;L thufhy mtfhrk; nfhLj;jpUf;fpNwhk;. ,uz;L fpoikf;Fs; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapd; gb vkJ Nghuhspfs; vkJ jhafg; gpuNjrj;jpy; ve;jtpj Mgj;Jf;fSk; ,d;wp Rje;jpukhf elkhlf;$ba epiy ,Uf;fpd;wJ. mij cj;juthjg;gLj;jNtz;baJ gilj;jug;GghFk; MfNt me;j tifapy; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapy; ifr;rhj;jplg;gl;l ,uz;L jug;G vd;w tifapy; ,uhZt fl;Lg;ghl;Lg; gpuNjrj;jpy; gilj; jug;Gk; muRk; Nghuhspfspd; ghJfhg;ig cj;juthjk; nra;a Ntz;Lk;. vkJ Nghuhspfs; Nghf;Ftuj;J nra;fpd;wNghJ fz;fhzpg;Gf; FOTk; ,uhZtKk; mjpy; gpurd;dkhf ,Uf;f Ntz;Lk;. ve;j tpj capuhgj;Jf;fSk; Vw;glhj cj;juthjk; vkf;F juNtz;Lk;. khjhe;jk; ,U gaz xOq;Ffis nra;J jUkhW Nfl;Lf;nfhz;Ls;Nshk;. vkJ Nghuhspfs;> nghWg;ghsh;fs; Nghf;F tuj;J nra;J vkJ jfty;fisAk; ghpkhw;wq;fisAk; nra;J nfhs;sh tpl;lhy; ehk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia NgZtJ f;ukhf ,Uf;Fk;. gilj;jug;Ngh murhq;fNkh ,e;j Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapd; gb xOq;FgLj;j jtwpdhy; gaz xOq;Ffis nra;aj; jtwpdhy; vkJ Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fis Klf;Fkhdhy; vkJ NghuhfNsh> nghWg;ghsh;fNsh toik Nghy Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;iff;F Kd;dh; vkJ Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fis vg;gb Kd;ndLj;NjhNkh me;j eilKiwf;Fs; ,wq;Ftij jtpuNtW topapy;iy. MfNt ,yq;ifauRk; gilj;jug;Gk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia Ngz Ntz;Lk;. mikjptopapy; gpur;rid jPH;T fhzNtz;Lk; vd;w mh;gzpg;G ,Uf;Fkhdhy; Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;by; cs;s tplaq;fis eilKiwg;gLj;j Kd;tuNtz;Lk;. ,jpy; ,Oj;jbg;Gf;fis nra;J epiyikfis Nkhrkila nra;thh;fshdhy; njhlh;e;J nghWik fhj;Jf; nfhz;bUf;f KbahJ. ,uz;L thu fhye;jhd; ehk;fhy mtfhrk; nfhLj;J ,Uf;fpNwhk;. vkJ NghuhspfSf;fhd ghJfhg;ghd gazk; xOq;FfSf;F mjw;fhd rpghh;Rfis nra;jpUf;fpNwhk;.

Nfs;tp:- Nghuhspfs; gaz xOq;F kl;Lkh? my;yJ Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;il NgZtjw;fhfth fhy mtfhrk; tpLj;Js;sPh;fs;?

gjpy;:- Nghuhspfspd; gaz xOq;Fjhd; Kf;fpakhf Ngrg;gl;lJ.Nghuhspfs; nfhy;yg;gLfpd;w NghJ cld;gbf;if eilKiwg; gLj;JtJ rhj;jpak; mw;w tplakhf cs;sJ.vq;fSila Nghuhspfspd; gazk; Klf;fg;gLfpd;wNghJ ,uhZtj;jpDila Nghf;Ftuj;ijAk; Klf;Fk; toptifia ifahs ehk; eph;ge;jpf;fg;gLNthk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;if rPh;FiyTf;F cl;gLk;. mNjNghd;W Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifapy; $wg;gl;l eilKiwfs; rk;ge;jkhf ,Wf;fkhf typAWj;jpAs;Nshk;. mNjNghd;W Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;by; Vw;Wf;nfhs;sg;gl;l ,ay;G epiyiaf;nfhz;L tUtjw;F chpa eilKiwfs; rk;ge;jkhfTk; typAWj;jpAs;Nshk;. ,jw;F muRk; gilj;jug;Gk; jPh;f;fkhd KbT vLf;f KayNtz;Lk; kf;fs; nfhe;jspg;ghd epiyf;Fs; js;sg;gl;L cs;shh;fs;. Mh;ghl;lq;fs;> Ch;tyq;fs;>ntFIdg; Nghuhl;lq;fs; %yk; jPh;itj; Njb Kaw;rp nra;j tz;zk; cs;sdh;. ,e;j epiyAk; ,d;iwa re;jpg;gpy; Rl;bf;fhl;bAs;Nshk;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G ifr;rhj;jplg;gl;ljd; %yk; jw;NghJ muR Gypfis Vw;wpUg;gjhf mikr;rh; xUth; $wpapUg;gJ njhlh;ghf?

gjpy;:- mth;fs; nrhy;tjpy; cz;ikapUf;fpd;wJ. rpwpyq;fh murhq;fk; ,d;W ,Uf;fpd;w murhq;fk; vd;gij ehk; epuhfhpf;f KbahJ Mdhy; ,uz;L Njrq;fs; cs;sd.MfNt jkpoh;fSila Njrk;>jkpoh;fSila gpujpepjpfs; ahh; vd;gij muR Vw;why; rhp. ,uz;L Njrq;fspy; cs;s mjpfhu ikaq;fis Vw;Wf; nfhz;ljpdhy;jhd; nghJf;fl;likg;ig Vw;Wf;nfhz;Ls;Nshk;. MfNt ,uz;L mjpfhu ikaq;fs; ,Uf;F vd;gij ehk; Vw;Wf;nfhz;lhy; mth;fSk; Vw;Wf;nfhs;thh;fs; vd;W ehd; epidf;fpd;Nwd;.,jpy; jtW ,y;iy vd;Wjhd; ehd; epidf;fpd;Nwd;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G njhlh;ghd Ntiyj; jpl;lq;fs; vg;NghJ Muk;gkhFk;?

gjpy;:- mJ gw;wpAk; ,d;W Rl;bf;fhl;bNdhk; Kf;fpakhf fz;fhzpg;Gf;FOj; jiyth; mth;fisAk; Nehh;Nt mDruizahsh;fisAk; mioj;jjd; Nehf;fk; ,d;Ws;s ghuhJ}ukhd epiyikfis tpsf;Ftjw;fhfj;jhd;. MfNt ,d;Ws;s epiyikfs; rPh; nra;ag;glhtpl;lhy; vy;yhNk rPh; FiyAk; vd;gJjhd; ,d;Ws;s ajhh;j;j epiyik mij ,d;W ehk; ntspg;gLj;jpaNjhL nghJf;fl;likg;G eilKiwf;F tpiuthf nfhz;L tuNtz;Lk;.; xg;gk; ,LtNjh ,zf;fg;ghl;il njhpag;gLj;JtNjh Kf;fpakpy;iy ,ij kf;fs; xU NghJk; ek;gg; Nghtjpy;iy kpftpiutpy; nghJf;fl;likg;G Ntiyfis eilKiwf;F nfhz;LtUtjw;fhd #oiy muR tpiue;J cUthf;f Ntz;Lk; vd;gij Rl;bf;fhl;bAs;Nshk;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G mq;fj;jth; ngah; tpguk; njhpag;gLj;Js;sPh;fsh?

gjpy;:- tpiutpy; ifaspf;fTs;Nshk; ,uz;L my;yJ xhpU jpdq;fspy; vkJ jhafj;jpd; kPs;fl;Lkhdj;jpw;fhd epjpaj;ij epjpaj;jpd; fhg;ghshuh nraw;gl Nghfpd;w cyf tq;fpNahL NgrtpUf;fpNwhk; mg;Ngr;R Kbe;jgpd; vkJ epiyg;ghl;il mDruizahsh;fSf;F njhptpf;fTs;Nshk;.

Nfs;tp:- nghJf;fl;likg;G njhlh;ghf K];ypk; gpujpepjpfSld; Nghr;Rf;fs; elj;Jk; jpl;lk; cs;sjh?

gjpy;:- jw;NghJ cs;s epiyikfspy; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifNa neUf;fb epiy mile;J nry;fpwJ.fs epiyikfs; Nkhrk; mile;J nry;fpd;wd. muRk; gilfSk; neUf;fb epiyikfis cUthf;fpapUf;fpd;wdh;. mtw;Wf;Fs; jPH;T fhzNtz;Lk; epiyikfs; rPuilfpd;w NghJ K];ypk; r%fj;Jld; ehk; NgRNthk;. vkJ jhafg; gpuNjrj;jpy; vd;d Ntiyj;jpl;lq;fs; Kd;ndLf;fg;gl;lhYk; K];ypk; r%fj;ij ,izj;J nfhs;tJk; ,ize;J nfhs;tJk; ajhh;j;jk; fhyNthl;lj;jpy; Ntiy jpl;lq;fis Kd;ndLf;fg;gLfpd;w NghJ K];ypk; kf;fSf;F mth;fSila vjph;ghh;g;Gfis epiwNtw;wf; $ba Kaw;rpfis nra;Nthk;.

Nfs;tp:- NI.tp.gp.,uhZtj;jpdiu jk;Kld; ,ize;J gzpahw;w mikg;G tpLj;jpUg;gJ njhlh;ghf?

gjpy;:- mJ njhlh;ghf jq;fs; NI.tp.gpia jhd; Nfl;fNtz;Lk; ,uhZtk; vd;d KbT vLf;FNjh mjpy; rpwpyq;fhtpy; Vw;glg;Nghfpd;w murpay; Vida khw;wq;fs; vd;gd jq;fpAs;sd.mt; epiyikg;ghL rk;ge;jkhf NI.tp.gpia Nfl;gJ jhd; nghUj;jkhf ,Uf;Fk; vd epidf;fpd;Nwd;.

Nfs;tp:- ,uz;L thu fhy mtfhrk; vd;gJ ,d;wpypUe;jh?

gjpy;:- ,d;wpypUe;J ,uz;Lthu fhy mtfhrk; nfhLj;J ,Uf;fpd;Nwhk;. ,uz;L thu fhy mtfhrj;Jf;Fs; Kbit njhptpf;f Ntz;Lk;. muR.Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;il NgZtjw;F jahuhf ,Uf;fpwjh? ,y;yhtpbd; Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;il Ngz tpUk;gkpy;iy Vw;Wf; nfhs;stpy;iy vd;w epiyg;ghL vLf;Fkhdy; mjhtJ ehk; Gjpa Nfhhpf;ifia Kd;itf;ftpy;iy Aj;j epWj;j cld;ghl;by; Vw;Wf;nfhs;sg;gl;l eilKiwiaAk; fle;j fhyq;fspy; njhlh;r;rpahf Ngzg;gl;L te;j eilKiwfisAk; nra;AkhWjhd; Nfl;Lf;nfhs;fpNwhk;.

Nfs;tp:- tha;%ykhfth vOj;J %ykhfth Nfl;L ,Uf;fp;d;wPh;fs;?

gjpy;:- tha; %ykhfTk; vOj;J KykhfTk; Nfl;L ,Uf;fpNwhk;. MfNt ,J rk;ge;jkhf ,uz;L thu fhyj;Jf;Fs; gjpy; juNtz;Lk; ,y;yhtpl;lhy; ehk; toikNghd;W Nghf;F tuj;J xOq;Ffis nra;aNtz;Lk;. gazk; nra;fpd;w NghJ gilj;jug;G ,ilkwpj;J neUf;fbfis nfhLf;Fkhf ,Ue;jhy; ,uhZtj;jpdhpd; Nghf;Ftuj;Jf;fis Klf;Fk; eph;ge;jj;jpw;F ehk; js;sg;gLNthk.; ,e;j epiyikia Rl;bf;fhl;bAs;Nshk;.. ,uz;Lthu fhyj;Jf;Fs; ,jw;fhd Kbit jUkhW $wpAs;Nshk;. muRk; gilj;jug;Gk; Aj;j epWj;j cld;gbf;ifia NgZtjh? ,y;iyah vd;gij mth;fs; jhd; KbT nra;aNtz;Lk;.

Nfs;tp:- Aj;j cld;gbf;ifapy; $wg;gl;Ls;s ,uz;L thu fhyk;jhd; jw;NghJk; nfhLf;fg;gl;Ls;sjh?

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Thu, 30 Jun 2005

Three SLA soldiers shot dead in Batticaloa

Three soldiers belonging to Sri Lankan Army (SLA) Intelligence were shot and killed in Urani, a suburb of Batticaloa, at 10.30 AM Thursday, Batticaloa Police said. The soldiers, attached to the Intelligence Unit at the Head Quarters of the 223 Brigade of the SLA, were killed by unidentified gunmen between a SLA mini-camp at Palameenmedu and a Police post at Periyaurani, while they were returing from Palameenmedu fish market in a three-wheeler, sources said.

Lance Corporal Saran Kularatne, Saman Kumara and Saminda Kumara, the driver of the three-wheeler were the soldiers killed by the gunmen. A T-56 assault-rifle was recovered from the scene, Police said. The incident took place at New Boundary Road, near the water tank in Urani. Further details are not available. Urani is located in SLA held territory, around 4 km north of Batticaloa

Thu, 30 Jun 2005

LTTE issues 2 weeks ultimatum for ensuring travel safety

Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Thursday in a crucial meeting with members of Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) demanded that the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) should provide a clear response on procedures to ensure safety of travel for LTTE cadres in the east. Head of LTTE Political Wing told Scandinavian delegation that Tigers will resume their own armed escort if the GoSL fails to provide satisfactory response within two weeks, sources from Vanni said.

The announcement follows the landmine attack in Welikande on the LTTE convoy escorted by Sri Lanka Army (SLA) and facilitated by the truce monitors.

"If LTTE decides to use its own armed escort, the CFA will likely collapse, and LTTE should not be held responsible for breaking the ceasefire," Thamilchelvan told the delegation.

When contacted by TamilNet, Mr S Puleedevan, Director of Peace Secretarait confirmed that the message was given to Head of Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission Mr Hagrup Haukland when the latter met LTTEs Political Head in LTTEs Peace Secretariat Thursday morning at 10.00 AM.

"In terms of the provisions in the CFA relating to the transport of LTTE members through military controlled areas and more so according to the explicit understanding reached in a meeting with the SLMM and the Norwegian Ambassador, the SLA should have provided full security and safety to our members, but what has happened at Welikanda on 26 June 2005, gives us serious concern over the genuineness of the SriLankan Government’s commitment to the CFA," said Mr.S.P.Thamilchelvan in a meeting with the SLMM and the Norwegian embassy officials, according to LTTE's Peace Secretariat website.

Thamilchelvan told the delegation that the date and time of travel of the LTTE convoy was only made known to the members of the SLMM and through the SLMM to the Sri Lanka Army (SLA). "The miltary intelligence obtained the information from the SLA and has planned this attack. Further, none of the members of the Security forces were travelling on the bus," Thamilchelvan said.

"For the Kausalyan killing, Sri Lanka Government blamed the LTTE for not informing the Security Forces to provide armed escort. And now our seeking escort from the Security Forces has endangered the lives of 40 of our cadres," Thamilchelvan further told the delegation.

If LTTE decides to resume its own armed escort, it will also be forced to curtail movements of Sri Lanka Armed forces in areas that are critical to LTTE troop movement, Thamilchelvan told the delegation, according to sources in Kilinochchi.

Acting Norwegian Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Mr Oddvar Lægreid and three other Norwegian officials were present in a two hour meeting with the LTTE officials, sources in Kilinochchi said.

Political observers in Kilinochchi noted the ominous sign of the ultimatum and compared this with a similar deadline LTTE gave before terminating talks in March 1995. LTTE was then blamed for breaking the truce even after giving a three week warning followed by a two week extension when the agreement called for only 72 hours notice.

LTTE Political Head this time has reiterated in clear terms that LTTE should not be blamed for breaking the CFA, observers noted.

29 June2005

International Thirukkural Conference July 8-10, 2005

Smith Auditorium, Howard Community College
10901 Little Patuxent Parkway, Columbia, MD 21044 USA


The only gift is giving to the poor; All else is exchange. kural-221

About the Conference:

Over the course of the civilized human history, there have been a number of philosophers, saints and social and religious leaders around the world who have pondered over the meaning of life, the nature of truth, the existence of God, the ethical code of conduct, intricacies of human emotions and other intriguing questions. Their answers vary depending upon their religious beliefs, national origin and the time period in which they lived. It is unusual to find one book, written by one person that has explored almost all aspects of life and arrived at conclusions that are universally and eternally valid. Thiruvalluvar lived about 2000 years ago in Tamil Nadu, meaning the land of Tamils, currently one of the states in the southern part of India. Thiruvalluvar was a unique genius who wrote the book called Muppaal, later known as Thirukkural which has been hailed by many as the greatest gift to mankind.

In many respects, Thiruvalluvar is more comprehensive and covers the whole spectrum of human experiences than the well-known philosophers like Buddha, Confucius, Aristotle, Plato, Machiavelli and others. In spite of the remarkable nature of his contribution, Thiruvalluvar is relatively unknown outside his native land.

The objective of this conference is to create an awareness and understanding of Thiruvalluvar and Thirukkural among the younger generation Indians and people of other cultures in North America. This is also the first time a conference of this nature is being held in North America. It is expected that many Tamil Scholars and Thirukkural researchers will participate in this conference from many countries in the world.

The objectives of this Conference are:

To understand how Thirukkural can be a guide to humanity.

To create and promote awareness of Thirukkural in USA among Americans and the youth of Indian origin.

To compare Thiruvalluvar with other philosophers of the world.

E-mail :support@thirukkural2005.org

29 June2005

Bhikku Front and Patriotic Movement file cases against P-TOMS

The National Bhiku Front (NBF) led by Ven Dambara Amila Thero and the National Patriotic Movement (NPM) led by Venerable Elle Gunawanse Thero have filed separate cases on Tuesday asking the Colombo District Court to make the P-TOMS null and void, legal source in Colombo said.

The two organisations in their submission to the District Court have pointed out that the P-TOMS signed between the Government and the LTTE last Friday was against the unity and the intergrity of Sri Lanka and will pave way for political calamity in the future. Propaganda secretary of Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), Mr Wimal Weerawansa, also accompanied the National Patriotic Movement Ven Gunawansa Thera on the capacity as one of the founder members of the movement, sources said.

The National Bhiku Movement and the National Patriotic Movement have mentioned the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Ministry Secretary M.S.Jayasinghe and the LTTE representative Shumugalingam Ranjan who signed the P-TOMS as the respondents along with the Attorney General, and the Secretary to the President.

29 June2005

Positive response to Muslims demands
President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has reassured the Muslim community that the Government would take steps to ensure that their concerns and aspirations are addressed in the implementation of the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS).

During an extensive discussion with Muslim Ministers and Deputy Ministers, President Kumaratunga responded positively to the Ministers' suggestions and undertook to give them every consideration and explore how their proposals could be implemented.

The President held a fresh round of discussions on the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) or Tsunami Relief Council (TRC) with Muslim Ministers and Deputy Ministers.

At Monday's discussions at the President's House, the Muslim legislators expressed their concerns regarding certain aspects of the P-TOMS, a Presidential Media Unit release said. "Their concerns were discussed in depth with the President. They proposed some options with the objective of resolving the issues causing their community apprehension," it said.

UPFA General Secretary Minister Susil Premajayantha was associated with the President at the discussions. Following the discussion, the National Unity Alliance has withdrawn an ultimatum to the Government that the P-TOMS be withdrawn by Tuesday. The party has since decided to stick with the Government. "Following talks with the President, the NUA will not rock the boat," a party official told reporters.

NUA spokesman and Condominium Management Authority (CMA) Chairman Abul Kalam said their party will continue to remain in the UPFA alliance since they strongly believed in President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga's commitment of justice and fairplay by the minorities and were confident of the resolution of Muslims' concerns with regard to the P-TOMS. The President held several rounds of talks with Muslim theologians and legislators over the last few weeks prior to the signing of the P-TOMS last Friday. In a recent discussion with Muslim theologians in the East, the President assured them that the rights and security of the Muslim community would be safeguarded and respected and that they will be given their rightful share in the proposed P-TOMS.

President Kumaratunga met with Minister Ferial Ashraff and a delegation of her party on June 21. The President assured Minister Ashraff that she was fully conscious of the fears, anxieties and concerns of the Muslim people in the context of the suffering the Muslim community has endured during for more than two decades of armed violence and the recent tsunami natural disaster.

On that occasion, she assured Minister Ashraff that the Tsunami Relief Council takes into consideration and accommodates many of the interests of the Muslim community and has clauses for addressing their concerns.

During the long negotiations between the GoSL and the LTTE on the Tsunami Relief Council, the GoSL negotiated hard to accommodate Muslim concerns, persuading the LTTE to agree to some significant practical measures. Specifically the Muslim parties have equal representation at the national level, sufficient representation to prevent decisions that may adversely affect them at the regional level, and dominant representation in the areas where they live.

She assured Minister Ashraff and other Muslim leaders that her government would in the future as in the past take all necessary measures to ensure the safety and security of the Muslim people living in the East and the North.

Further, the President strongly recommended that Muslim leaders consider the proposed Tsunami Relief Council in its totality and the gains that may be made by the Muslim community as a whole, through full participation in it. The President also met MP Rauff Hakeem to discuss Muslim concerns regarding the P-TOMS.

29 June2005

UNP hits out at Kadirgamar’s stance
The main opposition UNP yesterday launched a fierce attack on Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, alleging he had tried to undermine the ceasefire agreement and was now not doing his duty to promote the P-TOMS agreement.

In a statement issued by Assistant Secretary Tissa Attanayake, the UNP said that like Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, Minister Kadirgamar was also conveniently dodging the issue and he must now make his position clear. “While the Prime Minister had abdicated his responsibilities, the Foreign Minister too has not carried out his duties. It is the responsibility of the Foreign Minister to educate the missions and envoys abroad about such an important agreement and convey the message to foreign leaders through them.

“Not only has Mr. Kadirgamar failed to do this duty, but he has also steered clear of stating his position regarding the P-TOMS agreement. The Foreign Minster did not even come to parliament when this agreement was presented.

“The conduct of the Foreign Minister is important in this instance in the light of how he acted when we signed the ceasefire agreement. Mr. Kadirgamar at that time requested the Indian government on several occasions to intervene saying that the sovereignty of the country was threatened. He stated before Indian leaders that the security of India was also threatened because of LTTE activity such as the Manirasakulam camp. He showed the entire world that the territorial integrity of the country had been compromised by the ceasefire agreement.

“Through the P-TOMS, the President has officially accepted the ceasefire agreement. Now the question has arisen in the minds of the public whether Mr. Kadirgamar too has accepted the ceasefire agreement. If he accepts the ceasefire agreement, then invariably all that he has stated against it stands to be false. The entire world and the country are waiting to hear the stance of Mr. Kadirgamar,” the UNP said.

29 June2005 India and US sign defence accord

Mr Mukherjee and Mr Rumsfeld signed the agreement India and US have signed a 10-year agreement to strengthen defence ties between the two countries. The landmark agreement will help facilitate joint weapons production, co-operation on missile defence and the transfer of technology. Indian Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee and US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld signed the agreement.There has been a significant transformation in relations between the two countries in recent years. The agreement was signed during Mr Mukherjee's visit to the US - his first since assuming his post last year. The United States and India have entered a new era

Statement on the agreement "The United States and India have entered a new era," a statement issued after the signing of the agreement in Washington said. "We are transforming our relationship to reflect our common principles and shared national interests."

According to AFP news agency, the statement said the ministers agreed to set up a "defence procurement and production 'group' to oversee defence trade, as well as prospects for co-production and technology collaboration".

Biggest partner "Today, we agree on a new framework that builds on past successes, seizes new opportunities and charts a course for the US-India defence relationship for the next 10 years," the statement said. The statement said that the two nations had advanced to "unprecedented levels of cooperation". The defence pact came ahead of a three-day visit by Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to the US in July. In a speech in Washington on Tuesday, Mr Mukherjee urged the US to lift curbs on nuclear technology transfers to India.

The US imposed the restrictions in the wake of India's nuclear tests in 1998. Economic ties have grown between the two countries, once on opposite sides of the Cold War fence, and the US is now India's biggest trading partner. The two countries have also overseen increased military ties, holding joint exercises and expanded civilian, space and hi-tech contacts.

29 June2005

The Tamil National Question By: P. Ramasamy Source: TamilCanadian

The question foremost in the minds of many is whether the Tamil national question in the northeast of Sri Lanka whether in the form of separate state or through political accommodation with the Sinhalese can be successfully resolved under the present political, economic and social circumstances. While there are no clear answers as the political direction that the Tamil national question would proceed, there is general feeling that the approach to understanding and analyzing this important question has to go beyond the traditional analytical framework. In other words, while the relationship between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan state, whether conflictual or cooperation, will be a crucial component in the resolution of the Tamil nationalist conflict, there is another factor that need to be factored in. This is none other than the role of India. It is not that India has not been figured in the overall context of the Tamil national question, but academic and political discourses on this important question has sidelined India to some extent.

India’s posture of disinterest or neutrality in regard to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka as result of the debacle of the Indian Peace Keeping Forces in the late 1980s and the subsequent assassination of its Prime Minister Raji Gandhi have been accepted by academic analyses as sign of its limited importance in the Tamil national question. But however, some scholars and analysts have repudiated this posture in the recent past. They argue that although India sought to clear itself from interfering with the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka in the aftermath of the above two incidents, India’s could not just disentangle itself from the affairs of the island for geo-political reasons. Following the ceasefire, India has been kept informed about the nature of the peace process by the Norwegians, Sri Lankan government leaders have often traveled to India to discuss matters with the Indian political elite, India has often called for the negotiated settlement of the Tamil question through peaceful process and lately India has ventured into the dredging of the narrow Palk Straits, a stretch of water separating the southern part of the country from Sri Lanka. Beyond this, the possibility of defense pact/cooperation with the Sri Lankan state, military training programmes for the members of the Sri Lankan armed forces and most importantly the desire for India to maintain South Asian region free from the interference of super powers have provided some conclusive grounds that India is reasserting its regional role with the possibility of it affecting the nature of settlement of the Tamil national question.

The LTTE is not a naïve political and military organization. Its leaders, during the period of armed conflict with the Sri Lankan state, recognized the resolution of the Tamil question would invariably involve India in one form or another. However, during the temporary “retreat” of India from the affairs of the island, the resolution of the Tamil conflict came to mainly occupy the LTTE and the Sri Lankan establishment. Following the ceasefire brokered by the Norwegians in early 2002, after a six rounds of peace talks, the LTTE proposed the subject of interim administration for the furtherance of a negotiated political settlement. In late 2003, the LTTE gave its ISGA proposal to the Sri Lankan government so as to kick-start the peace process, but unfortunately, the fall of UNP government engineered by president Kumaratunga with support from the JVP derailed the discourse on ISGA. As international pressure was mounting on Kumaratunga to begin negotiations with the LTTE on the basis of the ISGA, the tsunami dealt a severe blow to thousands of Sri Lankans. The impact of tsunami lessened international pressure on Kumuratunga’s coalition government and ultimately paved the way for the discussion of the adoption of a joint mechanism for the management and distribution of financial aid to the victims. On 26 June 2005, the government and the LTTE despite opposition from the hardline Sinhalese spearheaded by the JVP and JHU have signed the P-TOMS MOU.

For the LTTE long isolated from the international main stream and branded as a terrorist organizations, the ceasefire was an opportunity in not only bringing normalcy to the Tamil areas long devastated by war, but also a means to gain international acceptance and legitimacy as the sole representative of Tamils in the island of Sri Lanka. The quest for an interim administration was predicated on the grounds that its participation in peace negotiations must be matched by measures to rebuild, rehabilitate and improve the lives of ordinary Tamils. Similarly the eagerness of the LTTE to embrace the joint mechanism was basically to ensure that financial aid from donor agencies and the international community would be able to relieve the suffering of Tamils affected by Tsunami. The ISGA and P-TOMS to the LTTE are mere temporary arrangements necessary to improve the lives of Tamils so that they share the benefits and the same time come to acceptance the peace process as something legitimate. However, it would be mistake to believe that LTTE relies on these two administrative mechanisms to resolve the Tamil national question once and for all. They can be considered as confidence building measures merely to convince Tamils not in mere words but in deeds of the benefits of engaging in a negotiated political settlement.

It need to be said in military and strategic terms, with or without these administrative mechanisms, if the Tamil national question is basically confined to the relationship between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan state, the latter could have moved in the direction of separate state. Some political analysts are of the opinion, in the absence of a third force, meaning India; the LTTE could have with some difficulty expelled the armed forces from the Tamil areas. But why it has not taken this step, is a mystery to some and not to others. The formidable presence of India, its hostility to the LTTE, its avowed principle not to allow for the separate state and its close cooperation with the Sri Lankan state are factors as to why the LTTE has not pursued the separate state option vigorously and in line with the ‘thirst’ of its cadres. About two years before the conclusion of the ceasefire, the collapse of the Jafffna was quite imminent, but then the LTTE pulled back, purportedly to avoid civilian casualties. This is merely a partial explanation. What was India’s position then?

The Sri Lankan state with all its mighty armour is not a position to defeat the LTTE, but counts on the good office of India to checkmate the latter’s quest for a separate state. For the LTTE resolution of the Tamil question is complicated and problematic. It is has not only to deal with the Sri Lankan state, it has reckon with India and to a limited extent the European Community and the United States. Even if the LTTE is prepared to pursue the line of substantial autonomy as enunciated during the peace talks in 2002, there is no evidence that the Sri Lankan state, given its political divisions, is in a position to provide a dignified solution to Tamils.

Well, if we believe that the struggle for a dignified solution to Tamils in Sri Lanka is a long protracted and arduous process, then there is possibility that some kind of paradigmatic orientation is necessary to re-focus and re-energize the process that would give us some hope as how best to solve the Tamil national question. Factoring India into this kind of a new framework suggests that supporters of the Tamil national liberation movement take up the intellectual challenge of fostering and nurturing good and amicable relationship with people of India. A functional people to people approach might lay the basis for a long-term relationship between the Tamil nationalist movements and other similar movements in India.

28June 2005

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28June 2005

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28June 2005

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28June 2005

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njhiy efy; %ykhf mDg;GtJ tpUk;gj;jf;fJ.

gpuhd;]; jtpu;j;j kw;iwa ehLfspypUe;J : 00-33-1-45685555 my;yJ 00-33-1-45685591

gpuhd;]pypUe;J : 0145685555 my;yJ 0145685591

ePq;fs; mDg;g Ntz;ba kD:

Mr. Koïchiro Matsuura
Director General
UNESCO
7, Place de Fontenoy
75352 PARIS 07 SP

Dear Sir,

Appeal to remove the statue of Buddha, erected with political motivation

On 15 May 2005, a statue of Buddha was illegally erected overnight in the Eastern town of Trincomalee in Sri Lanka by so called Buddhists. The unauthorized erection of the statue on land belonging to the Trincomalee Urban Council (UC) was immediately challenged in the courts by the Special Commissioner of the Urban Council and the President of the Trincomalee District Tamil Peoples' Forum (TDTPF). This matter has created tension between the Tamil and Singhalese people in Trincomalee. Several violent incidents have been reported all over the Trincomalee District.

The lawyers who appeared on behalf of the Special Commissioner of the UC and the President of the TDTPF told the court that they "revered Lord Buddha and are not against the Buddhist religion. But they said they suspected political motives behind the overnight erection of the statue and only a court order for temporary removal of the statute will lead to the restoration of peace in the town".

On 18 May the Trincomalee Magistrate and Additional District Judge instructed the Police to take all possible steps to temporarily remove the controversial statue and pronounced that a long term solution to the matter could be found by the Urban Council taking legal action. On 25 May, the Judge reaffirmed his earlier judgement regarding the temporary removal of this statue. Meanwhile another statue of Buddha was erected in Trincomalee close to the Hindu cemetery in Ehamparam Road in Vijithapura on May 23, 2005.

The court order was ignored by the law enforcement agencies and the statue has remained in the same location for one month, guarded by the Sri Lanka Army, Police and the Buddhist followers.

In the meantime those who erected this Buddha statue wanted to have a permanent building constructed around it. On 13 June, this idea was put on hold on the orders of the Attorney General department . This case was postponed until 3rd August as the respondent of this case has not appeared in the courts.

But this respondent, filed another case (became a petitioner) in the Court of Appeals, challenging the order given by the Trincomalee Magistrate on 18 May for the temporary removal of the statue of Buddha. The petitioner pleaded in his appeal to nullify the order of the Trincomalee Magistrate. On 17 June, his appeal was accepted by a Buddhist Judge in the Court of Appeals, who issued a restraining order on the Trincomalee Police and Trincomalee Urban Council preventing them from temporarily removing the statue of Buddha illegally erected on state land located in Trincomalee town. The decision of the Court of Appeals on 17 June was a discriminatory decision rather than based on the rule of law.

In Sri Lanka, the culture of impunity prevails in all affairs concerned with the grievances of Tamils. Perpetrators of violence against Tamils are not brought to book. However any judgement against a Tamil is implemented immediately after the judgement. The President who enjoys executive powers has turned a blind eye on the controversial statue of Buddha. With the court's order, being Commander in Chief of the Sri Lankan security forces, the President could have easily removed the Buddha statue on 18 May, if she were genuinely for equality and justice.

As the legal judgement, within the National law, is partial and the state has deliberately ignored the court order of the Trincomalee Magistrate, we kindly and urgently request the Director General of UNESCO to intervene immediately to remove the statue of Buddha which was erected with political motivation, to create tension among communities. The court order issued twice by the district courts in Trincomalee should be respected without further delay.

We kindly request you to intervene immediately to prevent bloodshed and war in Sri Lanka.

Thank you

Yours sincerely

28June 2005

Lanka IOC to Build Gas Stations in Former Rebel City (Update1)

June 28 (Bloomberg) -- Lanka IOC Ltd., a unit of India's largest oil refiner, plans to open gas stations in Jaffna, a Sri Lankan city formerly held by rebels that killed 1,500 Indian peacekeeping troops during the two-decade civil war.

``We want to bring Lanka IOC to the whole island,'' said Lanka IOC Managing Director Mahadevan Nageswaran in a June 23 interview in the capital, Colombo. ``People think of us as an oil company, not as an Indian company.''

Lanka IOC, a unit of Indian Oil Corp., follows rival fuel seller Ceylon Petroleum Corp. and Dialog Telekom Ltd., Sri Lanka's biggest cell-phone operator, into the former rebel-held area after a 2002 cease-fire revived the $20 billion economy, lifting car sales 23 percent last year. The investment is the first in the area by an Indian company since the country sent 60,000 troops to northeast Sri Lanka between 1987 and 1990.

``In Jaffna, petroleum companies don't have a strong presence because no investment has been put in since the war,'' said Saman Kelegama, executive director at the Institute of Policy Studies in Colombo. ``Lanka IOC, even if it's Indian, won't be a problem because people in Jaffna really need essential services.''

The Jaffna peninsula, at the island's northern tip 30 kilometers from India, faced regular power and fuel shortages during the civil war. The city was only accessible by plane or boat during hostilities, which lasted from 1983 to February 2002, destroyed infrastructure like fuel storage tanks and petrol stations and left as many as 60,000 dead.

Lanka IOC, which appointed top Sri Lankan cricketer Muttiah Muralitharan to promote its brand last year, aims to capture half of the retail fuel market from Ceypetco, whose monopoly was broken up by the government in 2002. Ceypetco Maavai Senathirajah, a resident of Jaffna who commutes the 14-hour drive to Colombo once a week, says price would decide whether he buys gas at a Lanka IOC outlet when it opens in his hometown.

``If they can offer at a lower price, then of course I will go there,'' said Senathirajah on June 24. ``Lanka IOC being an Indian company doesn't matter, if they have good service.'' The truce, which ended daily curfews and security checks, has boosted car sales. New motor vehicle registrations rose to 223,842 last year from 181,502 in 2003, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka said in its annual report.

Sri Lanka needs to secure a permanent peace agreement with Tamil rebels to attract investment to the country, Peter Harrold, World Bank Country Director for Sri Lanka said yesterday. ``Moving into the north is good as long as the war is over,'' Namal Kamalgoda, who manages $145 million in stocks and bonds as chief investment officer at Eagle NDB Management Co. in Colombo, the island's biggest fund, said on June 23. ``The big problem is Lanka IOC is in a tight cash-flow position but I don't think that would disrupt their expansion plans.''

Funding Lanka IOC, which is owed $53 million in fuel subsidy payments by the Sri Lankan government, will fund the $10-million expansion from internal reserves, Nageswaran said. The Indian company is borrowing from Standard Chartered Bank, the state- controlled Bank of Ceylon and Citibank N.A., to fund its day-to- day expenses.

``We have borrowed $40 million and we are paying interest at 10 percent,'' Nageswaran said, ``If we get paid, we will give out an interim dividend.'' Lanka IOC shares have risen 20 percent this year on the Colombo Stock Exchange while the Colombo All Share Index, the world's 9th best performer, has gained 34 percent.

Lanka IOC's Nageswaran is unlikely to be able to fulfill the company's ambition to open gas stations all over Sri Lanka. Rebels control areas in the north east captured during the war. They run a fuel distribution network in Kilinochchi, a city of 30,000 people 65 kilometers south of Jaffna, which is also the birthplace of Tamil Tiger leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Tamil Rebels

``We have our own cooperatives and they buy fuel from Ceypetco but they operate their own network in our territory,'' said Daya Master, spokesman for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in a telephone interview from the Kilinochchi headquarters on June 23. Master said the rebels wouldn't allow Lanka IOC or other oil companies to operate in rebel-held territory. ``If they are opening in Jaffna, we have to see what their policy is going to be. We will look into the matter.''

28June 2005

Muslim Council Meets Ranil Bandula Jayasekara in Colombo,

An eight member delegation from the Muslim Council of Sri Lanka met opposition leader Ranil Wickramasinge at the opposition leader's office at Cambridge Terrace at 4 PM today. During the meeting, the Muslim Council presented its concerns with regard to the P-TOMS signed by the Government and the LTTE. The Muslim Council pointed out the serious flaws in the agreement, with special emphasis on the need for the Government of Sri Lanka to maintain the chairmanship at all levels of administration and equal representation for the Muslim, Tamil and Sinhala community in the regional and district committees.

The opposition leader also commented on the injustice to the Sinhala and Muslim Community in the P-TOMS agreement and assured his support and consideration in a future government under him. The opposition leader also agreed to meet a delegation of Muslim Youth from the Eastern province on Friday at his office. Wickremasinghe wants to assure the youth that he will find a solution to their grievances under a UNP government and urged them to avoid violence, and conduct any opposition through peaceful means.

The Muslim council of Sri Lanka has also requested a meeting with President Chandirika Bandaranayke Kumaranatunga. They will also meet the Tamil National Alliance, The Prime Minister, other Political parties and Co-chairs of the Tokyo agreement to discuss their concerns.

28June 2005 People march in Kayts demanding the withdrawal of SL forces

More than 5000 people marched on Monday in Kayts demanding the security forces stationed there to leave. Among the marchers were members of parliament K Sivanesan and Pathmini Sithamparanathan. Also among the marchers were representatives of local NGOs, students and teachers. The march started at 11.00 a.m. from Karampon-Palakkadu junction and proceeded to St Sebastian temple junction. Marchers accompanied by drums shouted the slogans, "Government of Sri Lanka withdraw your forces " and "Traitors leave the peninsula". The Sri Lankan navy and police heavily protected the camp of the EPDP in the area. Large number of riot police was also stationed there. When the marchers reached Kayts junction they could be seen carrying placards of the Tamil National leader V Prabhaharan. They shouted slogans like, "We want our land back", "Sinhala security forces, leave the peninsula immediately", and "Hand-over the interim self-governing authority to the LTTE". The marchers then reached the Urkavalthurau Assistant Government Agent (AGA) office and held a meeting. Letters to the head of the European Parliament, Foreign embassies in Colombo, and Tamil National Leader were handed to the AGA. AGA Srimohan assured the marchers he would promptly send the letters to the people concerned. An effigy of the Minister and the Secretary General of EPDP, Douglas Devananda was dragged behind a vehicle and then set alight in front of the AGA office.

8June 2005

Japan gifts 256 transitional houses for tsunami victims

The Japanese Government has provided a sum of US$ 200,000 to IOM (International Organisation for Migrants) an NGO, for the construction of transitional houses with water supply, sanitation and electricity, states a press release from the Japanese Embassy. It said that 256 transitional houses were handed over Friday to tsunami-affected people in Modarawila, Panadura .

The houses at the Modarawila site will accommodate 1,152 beneficiaries, bringing the total of transitional accommodation in the country to 1,556 for more than 7,002 beneficiaries. This site will have families from around the district who will be involved in developing future plans to strengthen their new community. IOM has provided electricity for each household, while there will also be a community centre and a pre-school at the site, for the benefit of the community.

In addition, UNICEF had provided water and sanitation services. Issues such as waste management and security will be addressed with the assistance of IOM and the Sri Lanka Government's Transitional Accommodation Project (TAP).

In response to the tsunami emergency, IOM provided tents and emergency shelters for over 13,000 people who lost their homes in the districts of Ampara, Batticaloa, Trincomalee and Colombo. With over 1,500 transitional accommodations complete, the construction of additional accommodation will commence as land is identified and prepared. At present, land has been allocated for IOM to build a total of 3,397 accommodations.

The opening ceremony of these new transitional houses took place on June 24 at 3 p.m. in Modarawila, in the presence of the Commissioner General for Essential Services and head of TAFOR Thilak Ranaviraja, Deputy Head of the Embassy of Japan Hiroshi Karube and Chief of IOM Mission in Sri Lanka Ms. Mary Sheehan, while First Secretary of the Japanese Embassy Dr. Yuji Miyahara, and TAP-Colombo officers, Project Director W.G. Mithrarathne and Public Relations Consultant P. Gamage Karunasiri. IOM Chief of Emergency Operations, Christopher Gascon, and National Programme Officer/Field Office Coordinator Sunil Fernando, were also present on the occasion.

28June 2005

JVP goes to court over P-TOMS

The UPFA government's former ally, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), today filed a case in the Colombo District Courts against the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) agreement signed between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE.

The plaintiff, JVP Western Province councilor Vasu Gunawardene, filed the case seeking an order to immediately stop the P-TOMS agreement. He was accompanied by JVP parliamentarian Sunil Handunnetti. Attorney-at-law Sunil Wattawala represented on behalf of the plaintiff.

The plaintiff also urged the court to place an interim injunction with immediate effect on the structure’s authority to divest development funds. He cited M.S. Jayasinghe, Secretary to the Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation, and S. Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development at the LTTE Secretariat, both of whom had signed the P-TOMS agreement, along with the Attorney General and the Secretaries to the Ministries of Finance and the President as respondents.

JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe had told the media yesterday that his party would contest the government's signing of the agreement. Addressing a media conference in Colombo, he had said they will file a case against the government for signing the MoU as there was no mandate from the people to do so.

He also challenged the UPFA to sack the JVP members from the parliament and said that according to the UPFA Constitution, if one party leaves, the UPFA would collapse. He said his party is considering whether to write to the Commissioner of Elections, advising him to dissolve the government if the UPFA throws the JVP members out.

28June 2005

LTTE ‘cannot’ rebuild Trinco harbour area By Sassanka Samarakkody

COLOMBO: The strategically vital Trincomalee habour and adjacent areas come under the controversial P-TOMS, the regional tier of which is LTTE-dominated, and is located in the Tiger controlled no-go district of Kilinochchi.
Trincomalee harbour and the adjacent coastal areas, regarded for centuries as a strategic prize, and of particular concern to Sri Lanka and India owing to the recent LTTE build-up in the area, were affected by the tsunami.
However, they have not been exempted from the ambit of the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure. Thus they come into the tsunami disaster zone as per the P-TOMS, which is within the 2km strip from the waterline, analysts have pointed out.

The tsunami affected areas of six districts in the North and East come under the ambit of the P-TOMS.
The regional tier of the P-TOMS has five LTTE members, making the Tigers the largest single shareholder of the structure. This regional level committee is located in the Tiger heartland of Kilinochchi, according to the P-TOMS Memorandum of Understanding. However, speaking to journalists, Jayantha Dhanapla, Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat defended the agreement from this criticism, saying that the P-TOMS merely reiterates the Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE signed by the Ranil Wickremesinghe regime, under which High Security Zones have been set out.

The Trincomalee habour being one of these zones, the Tigers will not be able to undertake any reconstruction work in the area. The tsunami affected areas of the Sinhala and Muslim dominate Ampara district also come under the LTTE-dominated regional committee of the P-TOMS, to be located in Kilinochchi. Ampara is so distinct in ethno cultural composition that the 1986 December 19 proposals worked out by Indian minister P Chidambaram envisaged its exclusion from the merged North and East. Dhanapla has said that the district level committee of the P-TOMS is representative of this specific composition, and the proposals it sends up to the regional level will reflect that composition and those concerns.

Meanwhile, political commentator and writer Tisaranee Gunasekara states: “The Muslims are merely a minority in this Tiger dominated North-East and the role they have been accorded (as per the P-TOMS) is strictly in keeping with this minority status (even though the majority of the tsunami victims are Muslims).“The role of the government (GOSL) is partly that of a quasi-external facilitator enabling the donors to directly fund the Tiger dominated Regional Committee and partly that of a ‘Sinhala representative’ looking after the interests of the Sinhala minority of the North-East.” “The structure of the P-TOMS represents a restructuring of Sri Lanka, he said.”

28June 2005

Islets residents protest

28June 2005

Mirusuvil residents demand

28June 2005

Extra powers for new East Navy Command By Sunil Jayasiri

Following the sudden removal of Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera from the Commander of the Eastern Naval Area, President Chandrika Kumaratunga has appointed current Commander of the Navy’s North Central Command, Rear Admiral Vasantha Karannagoda to the east with additional powers as chief security coordinating officer in Trincomalee from next month.

This move will bring the three services and the police in the Trincomalee district under Rear Admiral Karannagoda’s command.

President Kumaratunga earlier ordered Navy Commander and Chief of Defence Staff Daya Sandagiri to immediately transfer Rear Admiral Weerasekera from the east as government intelligence agency informed the President that Weerasekera had addressed a meeting of three-wheeler taxi drivers, who were directly involved in the Buddha statue controversy in Trincomalee, which led to violence.

However in a detailed report to Navy Headquarters, Rear Admiral Weerasekera has denied the allegation levelled against him by the state intelligence agency connecting him to the recent unrest in Trincomalee.

Earlier the Navy Commander had decided to transfer Rear Admiral Weerasekera as Western Naval Area Commander and Rear Admiral Sarath Rathnakeerthi was to succeed him in Trincomalee, but later it is learnt that President had changed the plan and created a new post - Deputy Chief of Staff at Navy headquarters - and appointed Weerasekera to the new post as a consolation. It is also learnt that Rear Admiral Rathnakeerthi would remain in Colombo.

In addition to the new post, Rear Admiral Weerasekera has also been given the post of Director General Service, Navy Headquarters.

This is the first time the post of Deputy Chief of Staff has been created in the Navy. Hitherto only the Army had such a post. Seniority-wise Rear Admiral Weerasekera is the fifth senior officer in the Navy. Chief of Staff Rear Admiral Mohan Wijesekera is number two, followed by Rear Admiral Vasantha Karannagoda and Rear Admiral Sarath Rathnakeerthi in the 3rd and 4th slots respectively.

Rear Admiral Weerasekera took over as Eastern Naval Area Commander on February 2, this year. Earlier he was Director General, Naval Operations at the Navy Headquarters in Colombo.

28June 2005

President's Office strongly refutes Sunday Times report
News item caption 'UNP rejects CBK's offer to form Govt'-Sunday 26th June 2005.

The President's Office in a letter to the Editor of the Sunday Times strongly refutes the contents of the above news time published yesterday.

The letter states:

1. President Kumaratunga has held no discussions with the UNP inviting it to form a coalition Government giving it 50% of the cabinet portfolios or on any other basis as stated in your news item. Neither has Dr. Sarath Amunugama engaged in such discussions.

2. The said news report also states that President Kumaratunga 'offered to allow the UNP to form a Government when she met the Hon. Milinda Moragoda earlier this week. This too is totally false.

President Kumaratunga invited the Hon Ranil Wickremesinghe for a meeting after one of her ministers conveyed to her, that the Chairman of the UNP, Malik Samarawickrama had suggested that it would be useful if a meeting was held between President Kumaratunga and Ranil Wickremesinghe in order to discuss the present political situation.

At this meeting, held on the 13th of June with Mr. Wickremesinghe, several issues relating to the current political situation were discussed.

However, the two matters referred to in your news report today, were not taken up for discussion. President Kumaratunga wishes to reiterate that her stance which she has held for the last 10 years, that the two mainstream parties, namely the PA and the UNP should attempt to arrive at a durable working arrangement in the national interest, remains unchanged

28June 2005

'P-TOMS could open the door to peace' by Ranil Wijayapala

Prof. Ranjith Amarasinghe

Prof Ranjith Amarasinghe, lecturer in Political Science at the University of Peradeniya compares the present situation in the country to that which arose following the signing the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayakam Pact. On July 26th it will be 48 years since the signing of the B-C Pact, he recalls. The fate of the agreement and what followed is history familiar to many.

The main opposition party, the UNP campaigned against the Pact. Bandaranaike was accused of agreeing to a division of the country and undermining the status of Sinhala as the official language although Bandaranaike was not prepared to even discuss the establishment of a federal constitution or regional autonomy or take any action that would result in the abolition of the Official Language Act.

Agitations by the UNP and protests by Buddhist monks put the Prime Minister under tremendous pressure. Groups from within his Cabinet and administration openly campaigned against the Pact. The Prime Minister had no one to turn to for help.

On that fateful day on April 9, 1958, a group of Buddhist monks led by Ven. Baddegama Wimalawamsa Thera organised a Satyagraha on the lawn of the Prime Minister's residence in Colombo and demanded that the Pact be abrogated. The Prime Minister complied, and the first serious attempt to settle the problem affecting the rights of Tamils through political negotiations failed, Prof. Amarasinghe recalls.

He argues that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga should not fall under the pressures of the Maha Sangha and extremist political parties as her father did, although the scenario today is somewhat different. The President, should seize this golden opportunity to go forward in solving the national question.

He sees the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure as a window of opportunity for the Government to win back the faded confidence of the Tamil people. He further argues that the Government would lose total control over tsunami rehabilitation and reconstruction if it does not establish the P-TOMS.

He also warns of a possibility of the international community's direct involvement in this human tragedy if this arrangement does not come into effect. They have every right to intervene under international law under these circumstances, he says.

Prof. Ranjith Amarasinghe allays the unwarranted fears the people are having in their minds over the P-TOMS.

Following are excerpts of the interview given to the 'Daily News' by Prof. Amarasinghe.

Q: There is a big hue and cry over the proposed Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure or Joint Mechanism. Now people can see the proposed structure as it is now open for discussion. Therefore do you think that there was any justification for the howls raised by sections especially the JVP and the JHU?

To give you a one word answer these are totally unjustifiable. They have been opposing the Joint Mechanism, later renamed Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure even before knowing what is entailed in those proposals. They entirely didn't know what is there. Yet they were opposing it. That itself tells us a lot of things about their arguments. Now even after knowing what these are they are opposing it.

Q: Now can you explain this P-TOMS?

This is a certain arrangement which could be utilised to manage the operations related to reconstruction and rebuild the areas that were destroyed by tsunami. And also to rehabilitate the people who were affected by the tsunami. That is a very straightforward administrative arrangement. Not a political arrangement where the LTTE for the first time is going to play a role in administration. There is a difference between a political and administrative arrangement. This is a very limited arrangement for a specific purpose.

A section of the tsunami-affected in the East

Q: How do you differentiate between political power and administrative power?

Political power is the real power, and how people relate to that power. Here there is no question of sharing political power. It is a question of a particular arrangement coming into operation for administrating of post-tsunami rehabilitation work. So the political element is not there.

Nowhere in the proposed draft is there mentionable as to who is going to have political point line. But some people have been interpreting this as an attempt to hand-over a share of political power to the LTTE, misinterpreting the whole situation. Here, we get a situation where the LTTE for the first time is working with the Government in administrative work.

Q: You mean this is completely different from LTTE's ISGA proposals?

Remember, when the LTTE proposed an Interim Self Governing Authority, everyone opposed it. The UNP, SLFP and all opposed it. Because the ISGA was a proposal where the LTTE was demanding or making a case to have a political, administrative, cultural, economic, social control of the areas in the North and the Eastern Provinces. They were demanding the foreign relations and they were asking the control over the shoreline adjacent to the North and the Eastern provinces, so nobody can come to that sea area without their permission. They were going to have a judicial structure on their own which has nothing to do with the Sri Lankan state. They were asking for linear power related to the North East provinces. So that is power. Almost unconditional and it was not time bound. It was open ended. They said they want have the ISGA, to establish the ISGA and in the meantime work towards an acceptable political arrangement. If we can't come to a political arrangement,the ISGA will continue as a permanent political arrangement. But this structure will be limited only to a one year period. So we have a time frame.

Q: You mean that we can make use of this opportunity to bypass the ISGA proposals?

Not that way. That is political. Some people opposed the ISGA with good reasons. But some of the people who are opposing the P-TOMS are trying to portray that as a new alternative to the ISGA. This is totally misleading. If compared to the power demanded by the LTTE under the ISGA and what is being assigned to the P-TOMS, there is a girth of difference between the two. And I think it is mischievous on the part of these critics to identify the proposed P-TOMS with the ISGA. This ISGA is totally different and it is another world.

Q: There is a fundamental criticism that through the P-TOMS the LTTE is being given more international recognition ?

I think again this is a very mischievous statement. You can remember the LTTE Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan and a group of his people leading LTTEers went on a journey in Europe. They visited 14 countries and they were received as ambassadors and high level delegations by the countries they have visited. The LTTE always have this recognition. There is no need for us to come and help the LTTE to get international recognition. They already have it. From the time this Memorandum of Understanding was signed between the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE in the year 2002 they have been receiving that international recognition now they were talking about. During the last couple of years so many World Bank officials, political leaders, representatives of governments, political leaders from different countries, UN and UNICEF representatives have been meeting with the LTTE. They go to the Wanni and meet with LTTE leaders, they meet Prabhakaran, they meet Thamilselvan. That is the recognition. There won't be anything new to the LTTE under the proposed arrangement.

Q: What is the composition of this P-TOMS and how does it function?

The P-TOMS structure is a three tired structure. At the top level we have the high level committee composed of three persons. One from the LTTE, one from the Government and one from the Muslim community with equal representation.

The high level committee is assigned the task of identifying the needs of the post-tsunami disaster reconstruction and rehabilitation. The high level committee make decisions based on consensus. Then they have to approve it by unanimous decision. If they cannot approve then they have to drop it. They cannot go beyond that point. The decision has to be consensual. The LTTE, the Government or the Muslims cannot go on its own.

Then there is a Regional Committee. Regional Committee is the body which assesses the proposals on rehabilitation and development. As you say the Regional Committee comprises five LTTE representatives and five non-LTTE representatives.

The third level is the District Committee. District Committee is composed of elected representatives, sitting members of Parliament and Provincial Councillors. In addition we also find NGO representatives LTTE representatives, Government officials who are not elected. That is how these District Committees function. They were formulated soon after the tsunami occurred and now functioning smoothly.

Q: Can we be satisfied with the composition of the committees, as the LTTE have a major share in these committees. Will it be a threat to national interest ?

The main thing is that this is an arrangement based on compromise. Probably you might not know that the LTTE was demanding a large majority in the Regional Committee. They wanted six against five. But that was not accepted. But the fact remains that LTTE has an important role to play at the Regional Committee. Of the six districts that are to be covered under this arrangement two are totally under the control of the LTTE - Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi. In addition to that the LTTE has very a significant influence in the other four districts also. Although they are not in total control of Trincomalee, Jaffna, Batticaloa and Ampara districts, yet they wield enormous influence in those areas. So we have to accept that the LTTE has to play a major role in these areas. And this is the first time LTTE has agreed to work with the Government of Sri Lanka. Earlier they did not even refer to the Government of Sri Lanka. Even the Ceasefire Agreement does not refer to Sri Lankan Government. In their thinking the concept a of Sri Lankan Government does not occur. But this time they have agreed to work with the Sri Lankan Government.

Q: Will this structure have any adverse effect on any ethnic or religious group?

Compared to what they were demanding originally the present arrangement relating to the post-tsunami structure is much more advanced and much more favourable to the country. Although the LTTE has five nominees and two other groups also have five, decisions are to be made by a majority. Therefore, five is not a majority.

If the LTTE has to have any of its proposals approved it has to get the support either of the Sri Lankan Government or from the Muslim representatives. The LTTE cannot control it. On the other hand there is also the provisional arrangement if any two members in the Regional Committee finds that vital interest of any group, (any group could be an ethnic group and it could be a category of people such as teachers, workers or farmers or religious group) feels that interest of a particular group is going to be affected by a decision, then they can demand that decision should not be approved by a simple majority, it should be approved only by a two thirds majority.

Assume the LTTE making a proposal, and the Muslims think it is adverse to their interest or if the LTTE brings a proposal which the Sri Lankan Government representatives think runs counter to the interest of the Sri Lankan Government, at this point the two members of the Sri Lankan Government can object and say this should be approved by a two thirds majority. That means, the LTTE has only five. For the moment if either the Government of Sri Lanka or the Muslims feel that vital interest of the people they represent are undermined can insist on their demand on the basis of the two thirds majority.

Q: Is there any possibility for the LTTE to obstruct the Government plans for rebuilding the tsunami-affected areas or to misuse this structure to achieve their objectives?

In a way the Government of Sri Lanka gives the LTTE an opportunity to do something for their people. If we feel they will obstruct that they will be the losers not the Government. The Government can say we tried our best and they are obstructing so we can't do anything. We can do something on our own. I think that will not happen. This is something of a compromise arrangement that will enable the LTTE to play a role. And they like it. They are very concerned for its implementation. They are blaming the Government for dillydallying, dragging their feet. They are very keen on this. I don't think the LTTE will either sabotage or use this for other purposes. They can't use, for instance, roofing sheets that are set apart for building houses, for building bunkers. That is why the Government is there and Muslims are there. That cannot go on like this.

Q: Are there arrangements to monitor the activities of these committees?

Remember this will be monitored by international monitors. Because although we have made all those arrangements, who is going to finance this? It is the foreign funds and the donors. The donors will be keeping an eye very closely on the whole operation of the mechanism. Because,it is their money that will be used.

Q: Briefly explain what are the repercussions that the country has to face if we don't implement the P-TOMS?

If we look at it more positively it is very likely we will not get the assistance we ought to get to rebuild our nation that was totally damaged in the tsunami. None of the donors have said they will not give funds if we don't have this mechanism. But to utilise the funds they have been offering we have to have a mechanism. Otherwise, there is no way of utilising funds. If there is no mechanism or administrative arrangement to utilise these funds what happens is, the international community will be very keen to intervene.

Because there is a human disaster. And they have every right to intervene because this is a major human disaster. Intervention of the international community, in an occasion like this is accepted even under international law. If there is no mechanism through which assistance could be provided to the affected areas, it is quite possible the international community will intervene directly.

That is akin to a situation where the Government of Sri Lankan will have no control over the utilising of funds. The International community will utilise the NGOs. There are, all sorts of NGOs operating in the country. People don't like the NGOs, the way they are operating. But if there is no mechanism, may be the international community will be compelled to utilise these NGOs to provide assistance to the affected people. Or they may even prefer to give funds to the Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation which is the LTTE front. They might not give assistance to the LTTE direct. But they can justify assistance to the TRO which is directly an LTTE front organisation. In other words the Government of Sri Lanka absolutely will have no control over what is happening in the North. That is one aspect.

The other side is, if this does not take place and the Government cannot play a role in rehabilitation of the affected areas. The Government cannot come to the rescue of the affected people, LTTE will be given a marvellous opportunity to tell the world, 'Look, the Sinhala Government is not treating the Tamil people'. This has been the slogan all the time. This is not true. We know, the successive Governments have been doing their utmost to help Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people without any discrimination. But the LTTE keep saying that the Sinhala Government is not helping Tamil people. If we don't play a role at this time then they get a marvellous opportunity to tell the world "look, how the Sinhala Government is treating us, our people suffered such a massive disaster yet they are not doing anything to help our situation". Can there be any other argument stronger than that to justify going their way and pushing the claim for the separate state in the North and East. They will say we are not asking the ISGA, we are not asking a separate state, we are only asking to have a mechanism which can help our people. But this Government is not giving what we are asking for.

Q: What are the opportunities for the Sri Lankan Government through this mechanism?

If this takes place for the first time the Government of Sri Lanka will have the opportunity to have some say in what happens in Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and many other areas which have been totally or almost out of bounds for the Government. Is that not true? Now the whole of Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi are out of bound to us. Even the MoU accepts that. In the MoU it is there in writing. It says that you can't have any responsibility in that area. The LTTE is totally under-estimating the Government of Sri Lanka. If this works out, the Government of Sri Lanka representatives also can take decisions relating to the areas under the control of the LTTE.

Q: Do you think this opportunity can be used for the Government to recommence the stalled peace process?

The President all the time says that this will be a marvellous opportunity to prepare the ground to restart the peace process. As we know after the LTTE put forward their ISGA proposals to the Government the peace talks came to a standstill. They said they will come for talks only if the Government accepts the ISGA or accept to talk on the ISGA which no party, neither the UNP or the UPFA Government could accept.

So the peace process got mired. Various efforts were made by the Norwegians and others but no progress was made. And this cannot go on like this. The situation of no war no peace and recurrent violation of the Ceasefire Agreement mostly by the LTTE cannot go on forever and ever. It is a temporary transit arrangement and anything could happen at any time. Therefore it is very important we should move to restart the peace process. Tsunami, is in a way a silver lining in a dark cloud, a blessing in disguise. It is an opportunity for the Government to talk to the LTTE. Not on the peace process but on tsunami reconstruction. And on the other hand they were collaborating at various levels. If we have a structure like this we can consolidate those interactions that are going on at the moment and make this a first step towards the move for peace talks and to restart the peace process. That way the mechanism or the P-TOMS getting off the ground was enormously supporting the recommencement of the stalled peace process.

Q: Why is the P-TOMS so crucial and that we should grab this opportunity as you say?

It serves as an example as to why we could not afford to miss this opportunity considering the national question. Here we have a scenario where the Sinhalese and Tamils are working in brotherhood. We must remember that at any time they can go back to war. The Muslims feel very insecure wherever they live. This situation is utterly disadvantageous for the development of the country. This we cannot afford. We should go on to have peace talks resulting in a permanent long lasting solution. There is no other solution to this country. May be this will open the door. This is the first step. That is why we say this has to be done.

We are talking only about a simple administrative structure which could help rehabilitate and reconstruct tsunami-affected people and areas. This will be applicable only to a two kilo meter buffer zone in the tsunami-affected coastal belt in the North East. We are not going reconstruct the damaged LTTE military installations.

If we can't even agree to go for a thing like that, what would the world would think of us? The world would think the Government is not concerned about the plight of the people.

They are anti people. 30, 000 people have died and they are still quarrelling over a little thing like this they would say. They will lose interest in supporting Sri Lanka. We can't build on our own. The magnitude of the disaster is so vast. We have the international support brought here. Therefore we should rethink restarting the peace process and winning the Tamil community's confidence again.

Q: Do you think we should impose conditions for the LTTE before signing the P-TOMS?

I don't think so. I think already there are conditions within the P-TOMS. They can't have their way. They can't try to do things which are detrimental to the interest of other groups. At the highest level and the Regional Committees. Because at the highest level there has to be a consensus. Regionally you must go by the majority. There is also the case where the majority vote cannot be adverse to any group. At such times we can insist on a two thirds majority. So the LTTE is already bound by various conditions.

At the District Committee level there are already political representatives, from other Tamil political parties. District Committees are vital in this chain of structure because of the other Tamil political party representatives. Therefore, this is not totally devoted to the LTTE. Other Tamil parties are also playing a role at least at the vital lower level committee.

This is the first time we are going to work with the LTTE. So we should try to do it in a way that will help us to win their confidence. Successive governments are seen by the LTTE as cheats. So they are sensitive. So why should we impose conditions. The objective of setting the structure itself is a condition.

28June 2005

JVP, JHU can do nothing against LTTE — Amunugama by Cyril Wimalasurendre

KANDY — The Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) could do nothing against the LTTE other than holding Sathyagraha and demonstrations in the South, said Finance and Planning Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama at a meeting of the Samurdhi Development and Agriculture Research Development Officers at Hataraliyadde, on Saturday (25).

The crisis in the North and the East that lasted for over two decades could not be resolved through Sathyagraha and protests in the south, Dr. Amunugama said. The P-Toms arrangement initiated by the government moved the LTTE to come to some agreement with the government, Dr. Amunugama noted. He said that the MoU of the P- Toms clearly stated that the development activities in the region are implemented by the public servants and not by any political group or the LTTE and that the LTTE was authorised to hand finances. The LTTE is unable to make a copper cent out of the funds allocated to any development project, Dr. Amunugama further noted.

He said the Joint Mechanism agreement is the only agreement entered into between the government and the LTTE. According to the agreement the LTTE, whether they like it or not, have to work with the officers of the government. This is rather a turn for the better, since the gap between the LTTE and the government is made narrower. This is an achievement in the quest for peace for the country. Achievements such as this cannot be made by staging Sathyagraha. Nor can the country be developed by Sathyagraha.

The government with the leadership of President Chandrika Kumaratunge has approved a number of plans for the development of the country. The government has decided to import at least 180 buses to operate to solve the passenger transport problem. Restructuring of some enterprises has become essential. Had the CEB re-structed as was proposed the consumer would have received a Rs. 2.60 reduction of the electricity cost on every unit. The government is taking steps to effect a pay like for the Samurdhi Development officers, the minister added.

Deputy Minister Rohana Dissanayake and several others spoke. Central PC member Dilum Amunugama, Tumpane Pradeshiya Secretary U. M. Wanninayake were present at the meeting

28June 2005

SLMC laments betrayal of Muslims
Interview with SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem conducted by The Island journalist Bandula Jayasekara on YA TV's HARDLINE on Sunday, June 26 on TNL.

Q: The Joint Mechanism has been signed and the president did not involve the Muslims and they are not a party to it. So what now?

A: We are disappointed. In fact I took it up with the president when I had a one-to-one meeting with her and she talked about the virtues from her point of view and tried to convince me that we should participate in the Joint Mechanism when it is established. I disagreed and I told her very emphatically that the cause of the Muslims had been betrayed by us not being involved as a principle stakeholder as much as the LTTE and the government are identified in the document.

Q: But you took time to protest. Why did you wake up so late?

A: Not really. We had to also show the distinction between our protest and that of the nationalist elements that have come up against it with violent protests all over the country, originally spearheaded by the JHU's hunger strike campaign and thereafter the JVP which threw in the towel as far as the government’s efforts are concerned. We didn't want to confuse our motives with that of the JVP or the JHU since we are not in principle against entering into some working arrangement with the LTTE to reconstruct the tsunami affected areas in the north east.

Q: Why do you think that it might compromise the interests of the Muslims?

A: Principally the fact is that the Muslim community is a nationality that has a particular status when it comes to its legal position in devolution matters. We have gradually managed as a party, when it was participating in the peace talks. Originally, when we were not a signatory to the cease-fire agreement, that was on the basis that there were two armed formations, that of the LTTE, then the Sri Lankan Army which fought the war. It was strictly a matter of creating conditions of normalcy in the North East and in order to aid and assist that process they were thinking of setting up different structures in that process. We argued quite successfully that the Muslims are a separate distinct political entity and that we should be considered as an independent party to the negotiations. We ultimately succeeded in getting the LTTE as well to consent to the arrangement where we will come in with a separate delegation when substantive political issues are discussed. This was reached in Thailand during the fourth round of talks. Subsequently although the LTTE wasn't present at the Tokyo donor conference the entire international community, including 53 nations and about 20 multilateral agencies, endorsed this fact and very emphatically said that if the peace process resumes the Muslims should be considered as a distinct party and that we should be able to field a separate delegation to the peace talks.

Q: But did the LTTE agree to it? Did the LTTE support it?

A: Well, from the very outset, before the peace talks even began, way back on the 13th of April 2002, I had a meeting with Mr. Prabhakaran, the leader of the LTTE, where he invited me to Killinochchi. We had a very cordial discussion for more than three hours. In fact that's the only substantive discussion with any Muslim leader that he has had and we were quite pleased with that meeting. We were able to agree on a variety of issues which have an impact on the future of the Muslims and we had a written document. In that, he very clearly said that when the peace talks start the Muslims could field a separate delegation. However subsequently they tried to play it down. We insisted, and we continued to insist, subsequently succeeding in getting the negotiators, both the government and the LTTE, to consent to our participation as a separate delegation when the substantive political issues come up. By political issues we mean when even an interim administrative arrangement was to be reached.

Q: Although the MOU you signed with the LTTE leader was well publicized there were more problems that started after it. There were more attacks on the Muslims especially in the east and other areas. So I don't think the LTTE honoured it. So how do you see that?

A: Well, there were trading of charges between the LTTE and ourselves. From various Muslim leaders, community leaders, and religious leaderships on both sides there were appeals for calm. We were exercising maximum restraint in the face of provocative actions by, supposedly the LTTE. I'm not putting the blame on anyone here but we have to be very careful on identifying as to who was responsible. But in any event it happened. Our position was, some of these attacks originated from LTTE-controlled areas. In fact, before the MOU was signed there were these demarcations of these LTTE-controlled areas and government-controlled areas. After the agreement, with the LTTE cadres coming in for political work and with the lapse of time after ninety days the entry and exit of LTTE cadres was quite open and the whole line of control became so blurred that almost all the Tamil majority areas of the north east were in fact under the writ of the LTTE, since they had the presence of their cadres, though most of them could not, according to the MOU, be carrying arms.

Q: I remember once traveling with you after some trouble and the Muslims in the east asked you for arms because they were harassed. They have suffered but what have you done as the leader of the Muslim Congress and a Muslim leader?

A: Yes, I must say that the government also should bear responsibility towards the security of the Muslim population since all these incidents happened in government-controlled areas. What unfortunately happened was that the government forces, particularly those responsible for law and order, the Sri Lanka police and its men were unable to act since they had this inhibition that if at all they used force, used fire power that it might end up in the cease-fire being breached. They were mortally afraid of going beyond a line and the leadership in the police too, were not willing to go beyond a point to control a riot situation. This happened many times.

Q: Yes. But, innocent Muslims continue to suffer due to tsunami. You have lost more than one per cent. But there is nothing happening for them from the Muslim leadership. The Muslim leaders are divided.

A: Well now this is an excuse that some people give. They say, when it comes to legitimate aspirations of the Muslim community, you cannot simply point at Muslim leadership being divided and deny their right to be heard. I would like to address this question to the international community. Particularly after the signing of the this Post-Tsunami Operational Mechanism structure it is very evident that the international community has also been somewhat complacent about the issue where the Muslims have raised a legitimate demand to be involved as an integral party to this document, that they should be considered as a primary stakeholder and be a signatory to the document. That being denied, what happens is that the democratic forces that are raising this cry, in fact emanate from the grass roots and this is the feeling of the people that they have an identity of their own and are living in clearly identifiable geographic areas. In fact these are areas where Muslim domination is quite apparent. If they are not allowed to handle their affairs without interference by others, it would mean that the Muslim community is being sidelined in the process and ultimately the democratic forces may fail and the implications could be very dangerous.

Q: The president had reassured you and the Muslim ministers in cabinet and the document also says the Muslim community’s interests are safeguarded by this representation in the joint mechanism. How do you see that?

A: You see there is a difference in safeguards being placed. If you mean they are talking about minority safeguards, the Muslim community doesn't want a minority tag given to them in the north east because when you create one structure for the entire north east, merge the two provinces and create one structure the Muslim political strength becomes diluted. That has been our basic problem ever since the Indo-Lanka accord. And now in order to allay the fears of the Muslims they are proposing the introduction of the safeguards which will not suffice. We are entitled to autonomy, a certain amount of self rule in our areas, since we have those areas under our domination. So this doesn't mean that we are also challenging the sovereignty of the country as such, we are only wanting to exercise some kind of internal self determination of our areas so that we will not have the interference of other forces in areas where we dominate.

Q: TNA leader Mr. Sambandan says you have the right to be there. They don't really discount that, they accept it. How do you see it?

A: Many Tamil leaders have been making these patronising remarks. We are sick and tired of them. Because in practice they are not prepared to accommodate Muslims in their legitimate status, with their legitimate status intact. When I mean our legitimate status as much as a primary stakeholder, as much as the LTTE represents, the Muslims. The Muslim political leadership, you may call it divided, but ultimately the mandate the people gave was for the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. We got an overwhelming mandate in the three dominant districts of the east and also to a certain extent in the Vanni district where the Muslims voted en bloc for the SLMC. We had almost 200,000 votes and that returned many MPs to parliament. What ultimately happened was some members were inveigled by the government with the inducement of portfolios and various other illegal inducements. This resulted in purposeful weakening of the clout of the SLMCwhich had the mandate from the people. Ultimately this government got its majority by getting these members to cross over. So now when the party has its mandate, I feel that the legitimacy of the government itself was in question. You see?

Q: But why do you let the two major parties manipulate you?

A: No, it’s not a question of us letting the two parties manipulate us. You see power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. And here what happens is with the Executive Presidency in their hands, with the legislative power in their hands, with all kinds of forces trying to see that the SLMC's clout is weakened since they want to have a majority in parliament...

For about three to four months during the speaker's election it was quite apparent they couldn't get the speaker of their choice because the SLMC stood in the way. They tried to bring in all kinds of low allegations against me and then tried to win that vote and they failed and subsequently they persisted in their attempts and then, I cannot help it when individuals can be lured with inducements which none of us can match because we are a small party but yet you see all of these people have got to face the electoral once again. Particularly with this betrayal, which is a betrayal of the community and its interests and its future, these people will have a tough time trying to convince the people that they did the right thing.

Q- So what are you going to do about it after all these betrayals?

A- In fact, before doing all this, before going out against them, I invited them back in all sincerity. I sent emissaries to each one of them. Spoke to them in public, invited them through a media conference, appealed to them. In fact I told them we can forget about the past, let us hang on to our different positions but on this single issue of winning our right to be a party to this document, which is the threshold issue for the Muslim community. If we didn't win that right, that would mean that our efforts to get this status properly established over a period of time. Ever since the ceasefire was signed we have been agitating, fighting for it and have progressively achieved the endorsement of the international community finally in the Tokyo declaration. And also getting the LTTE to agree to change their hard stance, which very unfortunately, originally having been quite flexible on this issue when I met with Prabakaran, subsequently variety of forces have prevailed perhaps on the LTTE and have decided to deny the Muslims their rightful place and it would have serious implications for the peace process. If the Muslim community is going to be treated in this fashion, we are not going to take it lying down. We are going to go to the people. We are going to get them to democratically agitate. We are going to use whatever power within our ranks to mobilize the people and to bring pressure. Though the President and her clique in government has gone ahead and done this great injustice. This has been a perpetration of a serious injustice on the Muslim community. Despite that we will go ahead, convince the people, bring pressure so that the international community will realize that the voice of the Muslim's will have to be heeded.

Q- You have been ignored. Your voices have been ignored. How and when are you going to start this agitation? You told me last week that you might take to the streets. So how are you going to do that?

A- Well, we have in fact started; we have started to mobilize our people. In fact I'm starting my first meeting in the Vanni area among the displaced Muslims, since this is a meeting that has been fixed already. Then thereafter I'm going on to Ampara, getting our district organizers together and then we will start educating the people going against this mechanism, because you know we have to be somewhat patient, we had to also exercise maximum restraint until things came to a head. We put our hopes on the efforts of those in government since they kept on saying: "Well this is going to materialize, we have spoken to the President, she has assured us that we could sign the document, we will be a party to it". So we didn't want to scuttle the efforts that they were making. And they made such grandiose statement through the press. Unfortunately all of this has come to a whimper and we are not going to be taking them on unnecessarily. I don't think we need to make an internecine warfare about this within our ranks. When the public pressure is against them, they would realize that this is not going to work. And they also know that an election is in the offing and it's not easy for them.

Q- Yes but the saddest thing is the victims in areas in Kalmunai, they're suffering, they're homeless, now this was brought to help them. So how can you face them? You are their leaders. You have failed to pressurize the President, convince her, and they're suffering its six months after tsunami. This is supposed to help the victims of the tsunami. Muslims have suffered the most. But what's happening to them?

A- Well I would admit that there is an element of truth in what you say but then the issue of procrastination when it comes to helping the tsunami victims, I would blame the Government and its bureaucracy and its lethargy. Here they had taken more than six months to set up anything substantial to start receiving the funds and identifying the projects. Needs assessment had been done many months ago by the multilateral agencies and the Donor community. But then the Government has been procrastinating, dragging their feet on this issue. They have kept the matter so secret that internal rebellion got to a point where they just simply couldn't go ahead with the document as soon as they wished. All of this because a person with such an experience the President should have known. If you look at Mr. Ranil Wickramasinghe, when he had to take a decision he took it without too much of delay. And then he was able to deliver and he was able to turn the economy from a minus position on to more than 5 1/2% of growth. All of this was achieved through the peace process being on track. Though we had faced certain setbacks Muslims did face set backs but then we were hopeful, we were able to progressively achieve certain milestones in our struggle to be identified as an important stakeholder in the process but then all of this has been dashed with one stroke of the pen where the President has authorized them to make this simply a bilateral agreement between the Government and the LTTE. This is a serious matter. This matter we will take before the people.

Q. Getting back to the International community, you were a member of the UNP peace delegation, thereafter you travelled widely speaking to the International community, meeting diplomats and ministers. So how come you have failed to convince the International community in the importance of Muslims as participation with all your contacts and wide network?

A- Well there is limitation to our pressure. In fact we went on talking about it, most of them gave a good hearing to us and they were prepared to accept our arguments. But then unfortunately in my opinion this issue of confusing the Muslim demands Muslim political demands and then equating this to you know there are sometimes in my opinion very unfortunately you try to put us into the band wagon of other Muslim groups all over the world. It's a very unfortunate thing. They look at Muslim identity politics as something that has inherent potential of becoming violent but what they don't realize is that when they don't heed to the call of democratic political party in the entire Muslim world there isn't a party like the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. I think the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress is the only political party which represents minority Muslims anywhere in the democratic world. This is a unique position where we have brought the Muslims into the democratic mainstream and had been able to convince them and give them leadership and progressively achieve our goals through a democratic struggle but is this is ignored, if these calls are being ignored just for political expediency it's simply because some of them appear to be understood by the Muslim population. As if we will not be heard unless we're not armed, and that's a very dangerous thing. We're trying to prevent that. We are fighting to be head on these issues.

Q- But there is also an allegation that you have contributed to the disunity of the Muslim community. What have you got to say to it?

A- You see, disunity is prevalent in every formation, every community every everywhere in every party. You see it's a matter of degree. It may be that I had to face these calamities to such an extent since I'm in the opposition now. Even when I was in Government, variety of forces were at work, they didn't want the Muslims to be united. Unfortunately our members of Parliament when they get elected they feel that the, mandate was directly given to them, not for the party. The party had fought the elections on a particular political platform. And we insisted on them adhering to those principles, particularly when it contested the last elections. It fought the elections on one single platform saying that the Muslims must be now endorsed as a separate political entity in the peace process and anything that would be leading up to the peace process. And particularly after the tsunami struck it became quite apparent this was quite different to the peace process where the Muslims were the majority among the affected people. Muslims suffered the most. They had the worst damages that they had to suffer. Large amount of lives were lost. We have almost lost 1% of our population in the tsunami. With all that happening now we find P-TOMS have been established where the structures had been created diminishing our strength in them. And unfortunately allowing us to fight for survival within those structures which will also have implications for us in the future peace process.

Q- How could you unite the Muslims in Sri Lanka?

A- Certainly unity amongst the Muslims isn't a difficult thing to achieve. It's possible only if, that's, that could be brought about by the people. By pressure among the people. People know what expediency in politics is. You see they just don't take kindly to expedient politics. They want people to stay the course when it comes to identity politics when it comes to its legitimate demands, if anybody compromised on it they will have to pay the price. So in a democratic society periodic elections will certainly mean a lot to a community which is being affected by such disunity.

Q- Are there any armed Muslim groups in the East?

A- Certainly not. As far as I am concerned. You see the Muslim community has been the worst affected. There has been this tunnel vision of the Muslim community's efforts to survive in a very difficult environment. We have been massacred in large numbers, entire villages have been totally eradicated. In fact in just one District in the Batticaloa District almost 36 entire villages today Muslims are not living. They're refugees living in various parts of the District in the periphery of the larger villages simply moving there for safety of their lives and limb. This being the situation the Muslims were at the receiving end. And they were not the perpetrators.

Q- But do you expect these young Muslims to keep quiet?

A- Well now their patience is now wearing. The signs were quite apparent. The symptoms are already emerging. I'm sure this is something that the International community should pay heed to. With this document being signed in this fashion depriving the Muslim community of its legitimate right to be a signatory to the document, this betrayal will certainly give some kind of impetuous to such elements. We would certainly go into the field try and minimize the impact of it. We will try and give them hope that it's possible to still agitate democratically still bring pressure on the International community, the Donor community and also to get the Government and the LTTE to change their current position when it comes to the Muslim community.

Q- But do you expect them to have patience for so long? It seems they are losing interest or they don't respect their people who're representing them in the Parliament. They are being harassed and they're affected. So do you expect them to hang on for so long?

A- You see, there are a variety of reasons that contributed to this, particularly in the Muslim majority areas of the Ampara District and also the Batticaloa and Trincomalee District. This irrational buffer zone issue has complicated matters so much of resettlement and rehabilitation of the Tsunami victims with the scarcity of land in most of these areas it is virtually impossible to even create temporary shelters for them and the government policy of not paying compensation for people within the two hundred meter buffer zone. They are still vacillating on the question whether it should be two hundred, hundred or fifty or even not to have a buffer zone at all. In fact it is my contention that this buffer zone is not going to work. In most of these countries where frequent tsunami's strike it has been a practice not to have the buffer zone at all but to allow people to build at their risk but the provide evacuation centers and also have a better early warning system but the Sri Lankan government has very fool hardily gone into this buffer zone criteria and has confused the whole process of rehabilitation and reconstruction. In fact the needs assessment done by the donor community too could go hay wire if changes are affected to the buffer zone rule which inevitably have got to be affected.

Q- What do you see as the greatest challenge to the interests of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka?

A- Greatest challenge is to succumb to the pressure tactics of the government, LTTE and others. We need to be firm when it comes to standing up for our rights, you see injustice somewhere means injustice everywhere. You simply cannot agree to take things lying down on this issue we need to be resilient in fact the Muslim community is a very resilient community, it has faced hardships it has been facing this adversity for many long years. We have been discriminated, we have faced difficulties. There had been violence perpetrated on the Muslim community without any reason being attached. You see we have been ethnically cleansed from the entire North and driven out and our people are living in refugee camp for more fourteen years without any hope given to them. Now they are talking about the PTOMS agreement facilitating their return, well its not going to be that easy its going to take a long time the security is a principle issue. You see we cannot go back without our security being properly ensured. But I'm sure our community is a resilient community it will emerge from this tsunami with commitment to win the struggle.

Q- Ranil Wickramasinghe has failed you, Chandrika Kumaratunga has failed you, LTTE has failed you, where do you go from here?

A- Well we don't depend on anyone to save us, or I don't say they had to fail us and for me to throw up my arms in despair and say I have no where to turn to. I have my people to turn to. They are a resilient community, they have to be given leadership. We will stand on our feet, we will learn to coexist, we will learn to turn this nation into a prosperous nation where we can be proud citizens of this country enjoying equal status with the others. But of course I have my respect for the National leaders Ranil, or Chandrika, or anyone they have a difficult job to perform but they take the Muslim case for granted. They think that you know, you need to keep managing this problem and they don't solve the problem. And this is the difficulty with our national leaders, they must learn to solve problems and they must learn to take things head on. Here we feel both of the have exhibited some courage in the face of adversity. Of course sometimes you see the expectancy of political office, or extending political office may have been the motive. But then, they are doing a difficult job in a difficult period in country's history we must appreciate all that. But we have to stand up for our rights we don't have to depend on others but we have learn to coexist and live

Q- Will you join the Government? There are talks that you might join the Government?

A- Certainly not. I don't contemplate on taking up portfolio's its mere speculation in my opinion. We have to lead from the front, from among the people and not be aspiring for office every time you are in the opposition.

Q- One last question what is your mood today? Are you sad, do you feel dejected, unhappy or angry?

A- I would say I am somewhat furious at what has happened but yet as I told you, we need to be very firm in what we stand up for but we must also exercise restraint we need not be exasperated or we need not despair at a time like this, we have hope, we can rise from the ashes.

28June 2005

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28June 2005

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28June 2005

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June 27, 2005

US welcomes agreement on Joint Mechanism

Welcoming the signing of the agreement to create a joint mechanism on tsunami reconstruction, Embassy of the United States of America in Colombo in a press release ssued on Monday said that the mechanism, if implemented properly, will help to ensure efficient and equitable reconstruction assistance to those whose lives were devastated by the South Asia tsunami in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The US statement urged both parties to take all possible steps to see that the ceasefire is observed and strengthened.
Fulltext of the press release follows:Statement on the Signing of the Joint Mechanism on Tsunami Aid Distribution

"The United States welcomes the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam decision to sign an agreement to create a joint mechanism on tsunami reconstruction. If implemented properly, this mechanism will help to ensure efficient and equitable reconstruction assistance to those whose lives were devastated by the South Asia tsunami in the North and East of Sri Lanka. We hope the experience the two sides will gain by working together will help to build confidence and lead to progress in the broader peace process. It is even more important now that the two parties take all possible steps to see that the ceasefire is observed and strengthened."

June 27, 2005

Bhikku Front accuses Kumaratunge of betraying Buddhist Prelates
"President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunge is the number one enemy of Buddhism in Sri Lanka," said the National Bhikku Front (NBF), an organization of Sinhalese Buddhist monks of Sri Lanka in Colombo Monday. The NBF urged the top Buddhist Prelates to withdraw the blessings they gave Ms Kumaratunge as Head of the State and to declare her as a non-Buddhist.
Venerable Dambara Amila Thero who staged a fast-to-death campaign a week ago against the signing of the P-TOMS between the UPFA Government and the LTTE was speaking at a press briefing held at hotel Nippon in Colpetty Monday morning.

Dambara Amila Thero who was forcibly removed from the venue by Police to the Colombo hospital further said that the President had earlier agreed to discuss the P-TOMS with the Chief Prelates of Sri Lanka and obtain their explicit blessings before signing the agreement.

"Ms Kumaratunga did not keep her pledge and went against the Buddhist hierarchy of the country," he said.

Amila Thero added that the NBF would continue to intensify its "island-wide" opposition against the signing of the P-TOMS.

June 27, 2005

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June 27, 2005

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June 26, 2005

SLA escorted convoy with LTTE officials ambushed
A convoy carrying Amparai Political Head of the Tigers, Mr. Kuyilinpan and other LTTE staff, with Sri Lanka Army (SLA) escort facilitated by Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), was attacked at Welikanda at 2.55 PM Sunday, Welikanda Police said. The bus carrying around 40 eastern LTTE officials from Kilinochchi to Batticaloa was ambushed with a land mine, but none were killed as the vehicle narrowly escaped the impact of the bomb. One LTTE official was injured in the attack. The ambush took place between two Sri Lankan military camps, at Boaththe, around 1 km from Welikanda SLA base. The convoy resumed its journey towards Batticaloa with high security, Police said.

The explosion was caused by a remote-controlled mine and not by a claymore mine as reported earlier, LTTE officials traveling the bus said. The convoy escaped full blast of the explosion as it was traveling on the opposite side of the road to negotiate large potholes where the mine was buried, LTTE officials added.

A woman official of the LTTE, Ms S Tharsa, was discharged shortly after being admitted to Welikanda hospital, according to Welikanda Police ASP M P Dayaratne. Rear side of the bus was damaged, as the bus narrowly escaped the landmine attack, he added. The bus with SLA escort set off from Omanthai SLA checkpoint Sunday morning towards Black Bridge SLA checkpoint in Chenkalady, sources said.

The bus was carrying Amparai Political Head of the LTTE and other eastern political officials who were staying in Kilinochchi without transportation facilities for more than four weeks, LTTE sources said. The LTTE had earlier cancelled a transport with SLA escort as it received intelligence reports of a possible Claymore attack in Welikanda area, added LTTE sources in Kilinochchi. Liberation Tigers accuse the Sri Lanka armed forces of using paramilitaries working with them to target their top officials and cadres.

On 7th February 2005, Mr E Koushalyan, Political Head of the LTTE for the Batticaloa and Amparai districts, former TNA Member of parliament for the Amparai district Mr.Ariyanayagam Chandra Nehru, three other LTTE cadres, and the driver of the vehicle in which they were travelling towards Batticaloa, were shot and killed between Welikanda army camp and the Punnanai army camp, on the Pollonnorawa-Batticaloa road.Welikanda, bordering the Batticaloa and Polannaruwa districts is located around 65 km northwest of Batticaloa.

June 26, 2005

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June 26, 2005

LTTE Pottuvil office attacked
Three unidentified armed men entered Komari, Pottuvil political office of the LTTE around 4.30 pm Sunday and caused extensive damage to the office, LTTE sources in Komari said. The office is located in Akkaraipattu-Pottuvil main road in an SLA controlled area. There were no LTTE officials at the time of the attack, Mr Nilakaran, Udumpankoddam Political Co-ordinator told TamilNet.
The attackers ransacked the office and removed many important documents from the office, LTTE officials said.

Doors, windows and office tools were damaged by the attackers.

Komari is located 40 km south of Akkaraipattu in Amparai district.

June 26, 2005
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Sun, 26 Jun 2005
UNP rejects CBK’s offer to form Govt

President Chandrika Kumaratunga offered to form a coalition government with the United National Party giving it fifty per cent of the Cabinet portfolios but it was turned down.

The Sunday Times learns that thereafter she also made overtures to call upon Opposition and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to form a government on his own. This too did not get UNP approval.These overtures, it is learnt, came as her United People’s Freedom
Alliance (UPFA) collapsed due to the pullout by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). This came after she refused to heed calls by her Government's junior partner to drop moves to forge a Joint Mechanism or P-TOMS to share tsunami aid with Tiger guerrillas.

The first offer for a 50-50 Cabinet sharing coalition government, The Sunday Times learnt, was made on behalf of Kumaratunga by Finance Minister Sarath Amunugama to his friend and UNP Chairman Malik Samarawickrema. However, the move did not get the approval of Mr. Wickremesinghe.Thereafter, the offer to allow the UNP to form a government had been made by President Kumaratunga when she met former Minister and UNP stalwart Milinda Moragoda early this week. Mr. Moragoda had obtained his
leader's permission to go for the meeting and later reported on what was discussed.

Mr. Wickremesinghe is learnt to be of the view that the UNP is not keen to gain parliamentary power. Instead, its campaign is for the holding of Presidential elections before the end of this year. Towards this, the UNP has already planned a public street demonstration titled 'Jana Bala Meheyuma', due to begin from Matara on July 2.

Sun, 26 Jun 2005

Polls Chief puts off visit amid polls plan
The Government Printer’s Department has been placed under an Air Force guard while the Elections Commissioner has been instructed to call off a foreign visit and remain in the country. A squad of 25 airmen have been deployed to guard the Government Printer’s Department at Baseline Road, since Friday. On Thursday, a search was carried out by the security personnel of the Department before the SLAF guards were deployed.

The Sunday Times learns that the action has been taken to prevent any sabotage and the printing department staff has been told to be prepared to urgently undertake any printing. The department is already carrying out printing of election related material including instructions to officials conducting polls. Elections Commissioner Dayananda Dissanayake who was due to go on a two-day official visit to Pakistan has also been told to postpone his visit and remain in the country.Election Department sources confirmed that the proposed visit had been cancelled

Sun, 26 Jun 2005

Can JVP remain in Sri Lanka Parliament when they cease to be members
of UPFA?
The JVP did not contest the 2004 general election under its party symbol. June 25, Colombo: The future of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) was raised in political circles today with the JVP crossing the floor of the House to sit with the Opposition.

Some argue in favor of the position taken by the TNA at the party leaders’ meeting with Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara and say that the JVP can neither claim seats in the Opposition nor can they ask the Speaker to consider them a different political party.

This argument is based on the fact that the JVP did not contest the 2004 general election under its party symbol but under the “Bulath Kole”, a symbol of the Freedom Alliance, which is a collection of several political parties.

They further point out that when a member of a particular political party crosses the floor of the House, the party concerned removes him from the political party from which he contested on the grounds that he violated party policies, and there begin legal battles for and against the decision of the party to sack the member on disciplinary grounds.

What then about the JVP leaving the UPFA, on whose ticket they contested? Can they continue to be Members of Parliament calling themselves MPs of the JVP, when they did not contest as JVP candidates at the 2004 general election?

Legal sources point out that the UPFA Secretary could bring this fact to the notice UPFA Executive Committee and follow the procedure to unseat them. Also, some argue that if the UPFA informs the Secretary General of the Parliament that the JVP Members are no longer MPs, the Secretary General then has to follow the due procedure with respect to these MPs.

All these are speculations that could come to surface if the UPFA gives further thought to the JVP Members’ crossing. The voters also have a right to petition the Supreme Court for “disrespecting their will” expressed at the time of voting. These voters supported the MPs as Members of the UPFA, and if they do not remain so, they would have to vacate their
seats, enabling the UPFA Secretary to fill the vacant seats with new MPs next in line on the basis of preference received.

Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew and International Cooperation Minister Aileen Carroll today welcomed the signing of the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure. This joint agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) will serve to facilitate the identification, approval and monitoring of reconstruction projects in selected districts of Sri Lanka’s north and east.

“We recognize the considerable challenges that the Government of Sri Lanka has faced in going ahead with this agreement and commend President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga for taking this bold step,” said Minister Pettigrew. “We also commend both the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE for agreeing to include equitable Muslim representation in the
management of the structure. Canada hopes that, with the goodwill of all parties, an effective structure will foster an environment conducive to reinvigorating the stalled peace process.”

“This agreement will be an important step toward ensuring effective, equitable and transparent delivery of post-tsunami aid and will also expedite the recovery process in the north and east of Sri Lanka,” said Minister Carroll.

Minister Pettigrew also reiterated Canada’s concerns, however, about the political and human rights situation in Sri Lanka. “While this accord is a positive step, Canada remains gravely concerned about the escalating violence in Sri Lanka and urges both sides to rigorously respect the terms of the cease-fire agreement,” added the Minister. “We call on the
LTTE to immediately end its recruitment of child soldiers and to implement all the provisions of the 2003 action plan on this matter.”

When Prime Minister Paul Martin visited Sri Lanka in January, he pledged that Canada would help Sri Lanka rebuild after the disaster. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) has announced a four-year strategy to support Sri Lanka’s post-tsunami reconstruction efforts. As part of the strategy, Canada will expand programming in three pre-tsunami sectors of focus (governance, gender and economic well-being) and in two new sectors (environmental rehabilitation and management, and fisheries). The Government of Canada has allocated $425 million toward relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction in tsunami-affected countries.

The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) and the National Unity Alliance (NUA) -- two coalition partners of the government -- yesterday accused the UPFA leadership of deceiving them about the contents of the P-TOMS (Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure) before presenting it to Parliament.

“The explanation given to us about the agreement differs from the contents of the agreement signed on Friday,” MEP leader and Minister Dinesh Gunawardene told The Sunday Times. He said the party’s central committee would decide over the weekend about the future role of the MEP in the UPFA government. “We were shocked when we realized that certain clauses in the agreement would be harmful to the sovereignty, security of the country and the people in the east,” Mr. Gunawardena explained.

He said that the issue of remaining in the government or not would also be decided by the central committee. NUA General Secretary Cegu Issadean said they were disappointed that the interests of their community had not been taken into account when finalizing the agreement. “We have asked for an immediate meeting with President Chandrika Kumaratunga to take up some assurances she gave us,” he said. Mr. Issadeen said that though the Muslim community was the worst affected by the tsunami it had been treated indifferently in the agreement. “We understand that President is acting under pressure from the international community and the LTTE,” he said. Meanwhile, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress also yesterday in a strong reaction condemned the agreement.

SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem called for an immediate review of the agreement claiming that the Muslims had been discriminated against. He said the SLMC would not take part in any of the committees, even if it was invited.

More than thousand students Saturday demonstrated in Chavakachcheri town, capital of Thenmaradchchi division in the Jaffna district condemning the activities of the Sinhala chauvinists against the legitimate aspirations of Tamil people, sources in Chavakachcheri said. Thenmaradchchi Students' Union organised the demonstration.

Students gathered in the center of Chavakachcheri town shouting slogans against the Sinhala chauvinism. Later they went in a procession along the Jaffna-Kandy highway and reached Chavakachcheri Hindu College in Sangathanai area where they burnt a pot symbolising the Sinhala chauvinism. The traffic through A9 highway was blocked for about half an hour.

Students continued their process from Chavakachcheri Hindu College to Sangathanai Kandasamy Kovil area where they dispersed. The Thenmaradchchi Students' Union at the conclusion issued a statement that the demonstration was organized to show the international community that the Sinhala chauvinist elements in the South are the stumbling
block in reaching a just and fair political solution to the Tamil national question.

Pottuvil fishermen march supporting aid deal

Around three hundred Muslim and Sinhalese fishermen gathered in Pasaraichenai at 10 am Saturday morning supporting the signing of aid deal and demanding speedy implemention of post-tsunami reconstruction in Pottuvil, sources said. Demonstrators demanded speedy delivery of compensation, rebuilding of houses damaged by the tsunami and called for change in the policy of 200 meter buffer zone adopted by the Government of Sri Lanka. The demonstrators marched from Pasaraichenai towards District Secretariat in Pottuvil town for four kilometres and submitted an appeal to Pottuvil Acting DS Mr N L Asmeer, sources said. The appeal was addressed to Ministry of Fisheries Autorities estimate that there are around 14258 refugees and at least 2179 houses were damaged in Pottuvil. Fifty-nine persons are still missing. 557 persons lost their lives in December 26 tsunami.

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The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) has launched a massive fund raising campaign in France. Most of the campaigns are carried out in the main commercial areas for expatriate Tamils and Sinhalese living in France called Gare du Nord and La Chapelle.

In the Gare du Nord and La Chapelle areas, there are grocery shops, meat stalls, frozen fish shops, restaurants, bakeries, hair dressing saloons, textile shops, tailor shops, book shops, newspaper companies and video shops which are mostly managed by both Tamils and Sinhalese.

An estimated10,000 Sinhalese live in Paris and its suburbs and they come to these areas to buy their provisions. It is learnt that Sunday is a special day for JVP members in Paris. Every Sunday, members of the JVP come to La Chapelle in the afternoon and start their political business. A few JVP men and women stand in a row with their party newspapers at a particular junction. The others stand along the main streets chatting with their colleagues and collecting money and convincing them to joint the JVP overseas branches to get engaged in political activities in Europe.

Every September, the Communist Party in France has a festival known as "Fte de Humanity". In this festival, many foreign organisations based in France also put up their political stalls. For the last few years, the JVP has also held a stall in the Fete de Humanity. Whoever visits this stall is told that the JVP is the only revolutionary party in Sri Lanka and all other political parties are part of the bourgeoise, according to well informed sources from France.

Sources say when someone asks about the JVP's position on the political rights of the Tamils in the island, they simply say that the Tamils in Sri Lanka have no political grievances and it is a problem created by Tamil capitalists. Every year the JVP participates in the May Day procession organised by a well known trade union "CGT" in France. In the past, a maximum of 15 JVP members participated in this procession. Now this has increased to 20 - 25, sources said.

Senior Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) parliamentarians severely condemning the conduct of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in parliament on Friday said the Marxists lost the opportunity to learn about the facts of the joint mechanism proposals.

JVP members were vociferous on Friday when the leader of the House Maithripala Sirisena was on his feet to present the joint mechanism proposals to parliament. The JVP went on disrupting the House which led to the Speaker adjourning the House till July 5. Speaking to The Sunday Leader of the conduct of the JVP, Chief Government Whip and Consumer Affairs Minister, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle told The Sunday Leader it was an unfortunate situation that the JVP opposed the
joint mechanism in parliament.

He further said the government expected constructive criticism for the joint mechanism from the JVP and other opposing parties and they could have used this opportunity to express their views and suggestions and provide any constructive criticism which could had been accommodated.

However, Fernandopulle believed that the reconstruction work could be carried out effectively in the north and east despite opposition from the south. "The government is confident that the opposition for the joint mechanism in the south would not directly or indirectly affect the reconstruction work in the north and east and it would go ahead as planned," Fernandopulle said.

Environmental Minister, A. H. M. Fowzie told The Sunday Leader the JVP should act more responsibly in parliament as a political party. "The behaviour of the JVP is totally irresponsible. Though the JVP opposed the joint mechanism they could have given the opportunity for other parliamentarians to express their views and vote for the proposal," Fowzie said.

Fowzie also expressed dissatisfaction over the JVP opposing the joint mechanism despite measures taken by the government to agree on the JVP demands about the joint mechanism. The Deputy Ministers Forum Chairman, Dilan Perera condemned the JVP for disrupting the parliamentary sessions and not allowing the government to table the proposed joint mechanism proposals after the JVP itself demanded the proposal be submitted to parliament.

"The JVP has no reason to oppose this document. They are the ones who demanded for the document to be presented in parliament alleging that the government was hiding its contents from the public," said Perera. Perera warned, the JVP should not consider the kindness of the Deputy Ministers' Forum (DMF), as its weakness.

"We are patiently watching the JVP's actions against President Kumaratunga and the government. But we are not going to tolerate any more. We will launch a counter-campaign against the Marxists soon," he warned. Meanwhile, Samurdi Deputy Minister, Jagath Pushpakumara told The Sunday Leader that the Deputy Ministers' Forum in its last meeting decided to watch the reactions of the JVP against the President and the government for a period of two weeks and then come to a conclusion as to what steps the forum should take against the JVP.

"We do not want to carry out any retaliation campaign against the JVP since we had an alliance with them. However, the Deputy Ministers' Forum cannot keep quiet for ever," Pushpakumara stressed.

Leaders of the business community have welcomed the government's decision to sign the joint mechanism with the LTTE.

They said prolonging this issue without signing the mechanism would have cost the country a fortune. They added there would be political and economic instability in the country and the people would be additionally burdened if the government
did not sign the joint mechanism soon.

Speaking to The Sunday Leader Chairman, Business Chamber of Commerce, Shabir Golam Hussein said, "what this country needs is to move forward with the peace process and economic development." Chairman, Ceylon National Chamber of Industries, Nimal Perera explained that these disruptions in the country will definitely discourage foreign investors.

"Even Sri Lankan investors are now taking their business investments out of the country," said Perera. Vice President, Fitch Holdings Ltd., Dinesh Warusavitharana said any foreign investor looking at a country to invest would look always at the
stability of the country.

MoU not a betrayal - Asgiriya Maha Vihara Chief Secretary by L. B. Wijayasiri in Kandy

The Chief Secretary to Asgiriya Maha Vihara Chapter of Siyam Maha Nikaya Ven. Professor Warakawe Dhammaloka Nayaka Thera was of the view that President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga being a Sinhala Buddhist would never take steps to betray the nation by paving the way for the division of the country.

Ven. Professor Dhammaloka Thera commenting on the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding on the establishment of Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure, told the Sunday Observer that the document in question would not create a situation in which the country would be divided by giving legal recognition to the LTTE as some were claiming.
President Kumaratunga had made Most Ven. Mahanayake Theras aware of the particular document. She would never betray the nation.

The MoU signed with the LTTE was a document relating to the making of arrangements to utilise funds allocated for the reconstruction of tsunami-affected areas in the North and East. The arrangement was only limited to one or two years. There was no reason whatsoever to panic over this issue. It was purely an administrative matter.

It did not give any recognition to the LTTE as some sections claimed. On the contrary, the LTTE has recognised the legitimacy of the legally and democratically elected Government added Ven. Prof. Dhammaloka Thera

Military victory beyond reach

The international community that aided and abetted Colombo in prosecuting a war with the LTTE realised by the turn of the 21st century that the Sri Lankan forces were incapable of achieving a military solution against the LTTE. The series of defeats suffered in the Wanni during Operation Unceasing Waves, the successful military strikes in the peninsula
including the fall of Elephant Pass, the siege of Jaffna, the defeat of the state's much flaunted counter - offensive, Operation Agnikheela etc., demonstrated that a military victory was beyond the reach of Colombo.

It was then that the Western nations and Japan began actively promoting the peace process. Earlier it was lukewarm support on the one hand for peace while bankrolling South Asia's longest war on the other. It was decided that the only way out was to promote a political settlement during the course of which the Tigers would be 'contained' in a state of
non-combat. It was perceived that the longer the Tigers kept away from fighting, the greater their chances of dissipation, dissension and decay. It was correctly surmised that internal revolts and defections will occur. These were partly proved right in the form of Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias 'Col' Karuna.

Unfortunately for the 'West' the xenophobic Sinhala chauvinists were unable to realise that the peace process was being mooted and promoted for their own good. The idea was not to split Sri Lanka but to ensure the fractured island's unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity albeit in a federal system. The West was also prepared to let the LTTE enjoy
some 'extra-constitutional' power in the process. The main idea was to keep the Tigers quiet and away from the battlefront. The West was ready to tolerate many human rights violations including the killing of political dissidents and conscription of minors by the Tigers as long as they did not start fighting with the Sri Lankan state. Of course some
token protests were raised but they were for the most part, token.

India’s Congress party crown prince seen stepping into limelight by Penny MacRae

NEW DELHI, (AFP) -Large signboards bearing garishly painted portraits of Rahul Gandhi, scion of India’s famed Nehru-Gandhi political dynasty, are already springing up in the capital. Gandhi — whose great-grandfather Jawaharlal Nehru, grandmother Indira Gandhi and father Rajiv Gandhi were all prime ministers — has had a low key first year as Congress MP following the party’s surprise victory in May 2004. But that is seen as soon to change.

Expectations are high that the clean-cut 36-year-old, who bears an uncanny resemblance to his slain father, will be given a prominent party role that could pave the way for him to one day lead Congress. "It certainly looks as if Congress is preparing to launch him in a big way," said Neerja Chowdhury, political editor at the Indian Express.

"It seems as if he’s going to follow the same route as his father and become party general secretary. It’s going to come sooner rather than later." Speculation about Rahul being named Congress general secretary mounted Thursday with media reports that the current holder of the post would be appointed to the cabinet in a shuffle expected early next month.

Ever since Rahul’s mother, Congress President Sonia Gandhi, stunned India by rejecting the premier’s job after spearheading the party’s win, "Congress has been looking for another Nehru-Gandhi to keep them in power", Chowdhury said.

The tragedy-scarred family’s charisma is so strong that after Rajiv was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1991 the party drafted his Italian-born widow, Sonia, to lead Congress.Rahul’s appointment as general secretary would mark a significant shift — he has been studiously keeping his head down since his election from his father’s old constituency of Amethi in northern Uttar Pradesh state last year.

His profile has been so low that newspapers have asked whether he is a "reluctant politician" like his father. Rajiv was an airline pilot who had to be coaxed into joining politics after the death in a flying accident in 1980 of his brother, who was being groomed by Indira Gandhi as her political heir. Chowdhury, however, said "He (Rahul) made up his mind to go into politics. He would surely have known what that entails and the expectations the party would have of him — I think he could well grow into the role."

The opposition Hindu nationalists who Congress turfed from power have denounced what they call the party’s "dynastic politics" but analysts say it would be unrealistic to expect Congress not to seek to exploit the Gandhi name. Still, analysts say Rahul will have to prove himself for Congress to successfully project him as leadership material. He has only delivered one speech so far in parliament — on the plight of sugarcane farmers. "Whether he’s seen as a leader depends on how he grows — he’s still a debutant in politics," said Inder Malhotra, a biographer of Rahul’s grandmother Indira Gandhi.

However, Rahul has shown he has crowd appeal even without opening his mouth.

Frenzied villagers from his Amethi constituency swarmed onto rooftops to shower his car with rose petals and marigolds during last year’s election. Pundits had always reckoned Rahul’s younger sister, Priyanka, who has a gift for connecting with voters and whose strong features and ramrod bearing make her look like her grandmother, Indira, would enter politics.

Rahul was seen as having no political inclinations. But Priyanka, a mother of two young children, said last year the family held a conference and decided Rahul would enter politics. Party officials say Rahul is taking things slowly while he learns the ropes and his low profile should not be seen as hesitation to tackle bigger roles.He has assiduously tended to his Amethi constituency. "My priority is to learn exactly what my people want," he said last month. "The biggest problem in politics is the distance between the common man and political leader. If a politician is not abreast of the demands of his electorate, it’s the biggest risk he takes," he said.

"Amethi is a learning place for me. In future perhaps I’ll go to other places too."

Signing P-TOMS a sinful act by Govt., says JVP
The JVP spelling out details as to why it opposed the P-TOMS agreement said that they were not clear as to who would be implementing the proposed agreement and were also opposed to multilateral agencies playing a role in controlling the funds.

“This agreement between Chandrika and Prabhakaran is an irresponsible and bogus agreement. It does not indicate who will be in charge of implementing it. It is a piece of paper without an owner. We don’t even know who has signed it. We had information that the document will be signed during the debate, that is why I asked at the beginning whether it has
been signed or not”, JVP parliamentary leader Wimal Weerawansa said. He said as there appeared to be no responsible answer the JVP was forced to protest leading to the chaotic scenes in the Chambers.

“This is not second to the CFA signed by Ranil and Prabhakaran. This is another move to give legitimacy to the LTTE claim for a separate state”, Mr. Weerawansa said. “Clause 2 (f) of the agreement says that the CFA shall continue in full
force and effect and nothing in this MOU shall be construed to prejudice or alter its terms in anyway. This is in contradiction to the MOU signed between the SLFP and the JVP where we agreed to change the shortcomings in the CFA”, he said. “There is a provision in 3 (b) for the parties by consensus to have the option to extend this MOU for an additional period or periods”, Mr. Weerawansa pointed out.

“The LTTE has got five representatives in the regional body while the GOSL has two and Muslims have three but the LTTE will have their nominee as the Chairman while the Government person will be the Deputy. Can any self-respecting government nominees sit in a committee headed by an LTTE member”, he asked.

“The Muslims are the only ethnic group that has a representation while it is assumed that the LTTE will represent the Tamils and the GOSL the Sinhalese. This is what the LTTE wants to show that the GOSL only represents the Sinhalese”, Mr. Weerawansa said. “There is a reference to the multi-lateral agency to be the custodian of the regional fund while the Finance Ministry or the Treasury has no role in it. This is a violation of the Constitution”, he said.

“There is also room for multi-lateral donor representatives. This is to hand out the sovereignty of the country, especially the north and east to foreign agencies”, he said. “It is a black day in the history of this country. This has proved that
our decision to quit the government was the correct decision. If we were a part of the government when this sinful act took place, there would have been no escape for us. It is unfortunate that we had to live through the times when two of the greatest betrayals of the country took place – the CFA and the JM”, Mr. Weerawansa added.

UNP on P-TOMS: Where is Sinhala representation?
The United National Party (UNP) said clear provision should be made for the representation of the Sinhalese Community in the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) and that the present constitution of the Committees in the structure was unacceptable.

“Since the Government is not obliged to nominate a member of the Sinhalese community to the high level committee, there could well be a situation in which the Sinhalese community goes unrepresented. We think this is unacceptable,” the UNP said in a statement by party spokesman G.L. Peiris. The problem is even more acute in respect of the composition of the
Regional Committee where the principle relating to objection by a dissenting minority could lead to the exclusion of Sinhalese representation,” he said.

The UNP said there was an anomaly with regard to the composition of the Regional Committee as envisaged by section 6 of the document. Section 6 (c) makes it clear that the Chairperson of the Regional committee will be a member of the LTTE, while the Deputy Chairpersons are nominees of the government of Sri Lanka and the Muslim parties. As in previous
agreements, provision should be made for representatives to be nominated by the Government of Sri Lanka but not to function as Deputy Chairmen. The latter provision entails an unacceptable relegation of the status of the government of Sri Lanka.

Prof. Peiris said the territorial areas within which the P-TOMS agreement was to operate were enveloped in some degree of doubt and this was attributable to the wording used in Section 2 of the document entitled “Scope”. He said “Section 2(b) declares that “The Tsunami Disaster Zone (the TDZ) shall be defined as an area affected by the tsunami.” This is
followed immediately by Section 2 (c) with the provision that the TDZ shall include all that tsunami affected land area of Sri Lanka which is adjacent to the sea lying within a limit of 2 kilometres landwards from the mean low water line. This is an inclusive, as distinguished from an exhaustive definition. It would therefore seem that the TDZ could, in keeping with the definition embedded in this document extend beyond the limit of 2 kilometres. This requires clarification.

There is no scope accorded in the document to the principle of subsidiary which in our opinion is critical for good governance. The thinking of the UNP in respect of all aspects of delivery of tsunami relief and indeed the ramifications of the larger peace process entails a sharp focus on the responsibilities of local government authorities, operating as they do in close proximity to the needs and aspirations of the people of the affected areas. The omission in this regard prevents grass roots participation in the making and implementing of decisions. This cannot but affect adversely the practical functioning of the mechanism.

“In our view, a material omission in the document consists of the absence of any reference to the “Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement” ( also known as the Deng principles) This forms an essential part of the core principles applicable to the functions of the structures established by the document and the deletion of these principles therefore constitutes a significant deficiency”.Prof Peiris said with the establishment of the structure contained in the P-Toms document TAFREN becomes superfluous.

“We’re not convinced that in view of the supervening changes effected by this document, there is any longer adequate justification for incurring the substantial overhead expenses of TAFREN”, he said.

Muslims get second class treatment in regional structure - Feriel By Chandani Kirinde
National Unity Alliance Leader and Housing and Construction Minister Feriel Ashraff – one of the main Muslim representatives in the UPFA government – spoke to The Sunday Times a day before the signing of the controversial Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure. In her interview she said that even though she would have liked to see the Muslim community enjoy equal status in the composition of the Structure. Mrs. Ashraff said she believed in staying with the government and exerting pressure from within and said Muslim leaders in the government and opposition should work harder for the desired results.

Here are excerpts of the interview:What is the position of the Joint Mechanism or P-TOMS? The JM is not something the people in the East especially the Muslims whom I represent or the Sinhalese are asking for. But since it is necessary to get the LTTE involved in the rebuilding process and as we are also interested in the peace process, we believe the LTTE should get involved in relief activities with the government to make it easier to arrive at some kind of a common understanding. At the same time we also have to insist that Muslims aspirations are catered to as well.

To what extent have those aspirations of the Muslims been accommodated in the JM? Not having seen this document, I am unable to comment on its details but from the little that has been told us we are happy to note that the President has managed to bring the Muslim factor onto the apex body. When we look back to the time the CFA agreement was signed, there was no mention of the Muslim community or the aspirations of the Muslims except for the fact that we existed in those areas as another group. When you compare that with the JM, I think it’s a big step forward. We have been brought in as a community onto the apex body. But we would definitely have wanted to enjoy the same status throughout the P-TOMS. We were disappointed to find that in the regional structure we have been reduced to a minority and though we don’t know the details of the responsibilities or its operations, we would have preferred to be an equal stakeholder
in the regional body as well because it has been given to us in the apex body.

Have you had the chance to raise these concerns with the President? Yes, very much so during several rounds of talks. The Ministers, the Deputy Ministers and I have stood together and have spoken in one voice and we have made it very clear to Her Excellency about these concerns of ours. The unfortunate part is that those who have listened to our
concerns, have admitted these to be very justifiable, but as the old adage goes “operation successful, patient dies”. It is regrettable to be in a situation where even though we convince those to whom we address our concerns the results have been much less than ideal or perfect.

As the main party representing the Muslim community in Government, what sort of pressure have you exerted on the government and are you satisfied with the results you have achieved? I have to admit that whenever I had talks with the President I was never discouraged because in her I found somebody who clearly understood the concerns and aspirations of the Muslims. Since my husband (Late leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress A.H.M. Ashraff) had been working
pretty closely with her and she had been made aware of these concerns. But in the present situation we are not the only party in talks with the government. There is also another party involved. Of course I strongly believe that the pressure we have been able to exert on the government has not been good enough and this just goes to show that Muslim leaders
have to work much harder still to get the desired results.

Have the different Muslim parties come forward with a common proposal on how to deal with the situation and have you discussed the JM with SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem? The concerns of the SLMC, we find, are very similar to ours but it is
very sad to note that in the present political culture of ours, we still tend to put politics before everything else. While on the one hand I am very happy to note that all the Muslim Ministers and Deputies belonging to various factions came together to speak in one voice, it is very sad we did not get the desired support we expected from Mr. Hakeem. I would
like to remind the readers about the CFA agreement and the beginning of the peace talks at which point of time we came down pretty hard on the government about leaving out the concerns of the Muslims even though Mr.Hakeem at the time was an important partner of the government and supported the CFA document without looking far ahead. Even then and having been critical of Mr. Hakeem in parliament and outside, we continued to work as the Eastern Province Muslim Parliamentarians Forum. But I think once again the SLMC is giving greater importance to its political strategies and has let down the people.

Is it all right with you if the document is signed without your having seen it? I don’t think it is right at all to go ahead and sign a document without even having the possibility of going though it. But unfortunately Sri Lanka has set a precedence so I only hope and pray that the government in which I am also a party will not repeat something of that kind because we do place a lot of confidence in the President with regard to minorities.

What are the problems faced in the East by Muslims in particular in relation to the post-tsunami era? Muslims have not suddenly woken up and started talking about post-tsunami re construction. We have been airing our views and fears on the way things have been conducted from the beginning of the ethnic strife. I presume God gave us the right to be equal partners by making us as the people most affected by the tsunami and when we are let down like this we tend to fear for the future of Muslims living in the north and east.

Can you elaborate those fears you entertain? We just don’t want to be treated as a group of second-class citizens in
any administrative structure. Although we keep talking of peace and we want the LTTE to accept a new thinking, we cannot deny the fact that we entertain fears when we talk of the LTTE. When I say fears I mean in all possible forms. So when we have to go into a working arrangement with the LTTE, we would always like to be equal partners even if that may
not solve the problems, at least we may have some kind of confidence when walking into some such arrangement.

The JVP has taken a bold step and left the government. Are you anticipating in this kind of threatening action as well?
I sincerely believe I don’t have the strength to threaten governments and so on and anyway I didn’t think I would want Sri Lanka to continue with this kind of politics. Maybe there would have been a time when these kinds of threats would have helped people but now we have found that in the long run, it has not helped Sri Lanka as a whole. So I would try my level best to refrain from that kind of politics.

If the JM is signed without your seeing it, are you planning any action in return? We are definitely interested in going through with the whole thing. Then of course our strategies may have to change with the implementation aspect and see how we could get the best for our people. We will continue to work on this and get the support of all concerned.

Will it all be from within the government? I don’t believe in leaving the ship at this point of time. One runs away from the whole issue and then what. The usual thing is we get tired of a government and for the past four years or so we have been trying out a government every year but has it solved any of our problems. It has not been a pleasant exercise because I am also responsible to those who voted me. We should remain wherever we are and be able to exert pressure. Maybe in time to come we would be able to get better support from the Sri Lankan people as a whole for the Muslim cause instead of Muslims fighting for the Muslim cause.

Is there any possibility for a future alliance between NUA and the SLMC? I sincerely believe that all factions should put personal differences aside and start working together. We have not been issuing invitations to everyone to come and join us or come under our wing. We can have our differences but the beauty of it should be our ability to rise above these when the need arises. Let this be a good beginning for the Muslims of Sri Lanka.

NEW DELHI: India has put its seal of approval on the Sri Lankan government signing a controversial tsunami aid deal with the LTTE.

The Norwegian deputy foreign minister, Vidar Helgeson, returning from Sri Lanka, met foreign secretary Shyam Saran on Friday to explain the contours of the deal. The MEA spokesperson said later: "We had conveyed our understanding of and support to her (Chandrika Kumaratunga's) efforts to devise a mechanism by which relief could be channelised to the victims of the tsunami. Considering the scale and tragedy, it is important that the relief is made available to all victims regardless of their religion or ethnicity.

As far as India is concerned, we will continue to provide assistance and a number of bilateral projects are under discussion in the infrastructure, health and sharing of technical expertise." Foreign minister Natwar Singh's. visit to Norway last week was also an opportunity for the facilitators and India to confer on the details of the Sri Lanka deal.

Amid mounting anger from Marxists and Buddhists in Sri Lanka, Chandrika Kumaratunga's government signed the USD 3 billion aid deal with the LTTE on Friday, which will bring the warring sides face to face to administer relief and rehabilitation to the affected in one of the worst tragedies in its history.

The Norwegian ambassador to Sri Lanka, Hans Brattskar, took the document signed by the Sri Lankan government in a special Air Force plane to Kilinochchi where it was signed by the LTTE. The significance of the deal, Helgeson told reporters here, was that the two parties had agreed to cooperate for the first time after the 2002 ceasefire agreement. Helgeson clarified that though the Muslim community was not a signatory to the agreement, it would have separate representation in the joint mechanism at all levels. "The deal deserves praise and funding," Helgeson said. However, he was quick to clarify that this deal would not serve as a template for future arrangements.

The Sri Lanka government will clearly have a lot of convincing to do on this score, particularly with a fractious government, where Kumaratunga's coalition ally, JVP, has already walked out of the government. However, there are already indications that she might be able to ride over the political storm, particularly with opposition UNP backing the joint mechanism.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005
JVP to take legal action against Joint Mechanism

The angry JVP today warned that it has decided to take legal action against the Joint Mechanism agreement, as it claims it was signed in violation of the Constitution. Speaking at a press conference at the Parliamentary Complex today, JVP MP Wimal Weerawansa said, “The P-TOMS has been introduced by a group of NGOs and foreign countries and it is an extension of the Ceasefire Agreement signed on 22nd February, 2002.”

He also said the JVP cannot allow the country “to be sold for 45 billion dollars” to the World Bank and countries that have come forward to provide financial assistance.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005
Annan welcomes Sri Lanka 's tsunami aid management accord

U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan hailed Sri Lanka - 's tsunami aid management accord on Friday, saying, ''This is an important day for the many tsunami-affected families and communities in the country.'' The U.N. chief also expressed hope that ''the agreement will help place Sri Lanka - on the road to full recovery from this unparalleled tragedy.''

Nearly 40,000 people were killed and property and infrastructure damaged by the quake-induced tsunami, which hit three-fourths of Sri Lanka - 's coast.

Full text of P-TOMS agreement Fri, 24 Jun 2005

Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure(P-TOMS).

Preamble WHEREAS the tsunami that struck Sri Lanka on December 26, 2004 (the "tsunami") destroyed human lives and property on an unprecedented scale; WHEREAS there is an urgent need for all communities, Sinhala, Tamil, Muslim and others, to cooperate on humanitarian grounds in the face of this common adversity; WHEREAS the equitable allocation of post-tsunami funds to all parts of Sri Lanka struck by the tsunami will be based on accepted needs assessments;

WHEREAS in recognition of this urgent humanitarian need and in a spirit of partnership, the Government of Sri Lanka (the "GOSL”) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (the "LTTE") (the "Parties") have resolved to work together, in good faith and using their best efforts, to deliver expeditious relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development to the coastal communities in the six districts of Ampara, Battica!oa, Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mullaitivu and Trincomalee (the Six Districts") and to' facilitate and expedite the process of rebuilding the affected areas;

WHEREAS there is a need for establishing P-TOMS to facilitate such cooperation among communities, and between the Parties;

NOW, THEREFORE, in consideration of the foregoing the Parties have entered into this MOU and agreed as follows:

1. Structure
a. An integrated operational management structure shall be established for the purpose of planning, implementing and coordinating post tsunami work. Such structure shall consist of:

i. The Post-Tsunami Coastal Reconstruction Committee (the "High-Level Committee");

ii. The Post-Tsunami Coastal Reconstruction Committee for the Six Districts (the "Regional Committee"); and

iii. Post-Tsunami Coastal Reconstruction Committees for each of the Ampara, Batticaloa, Jaffna, Kilinochchl, Mullaitivu, and Trincomalee districts (the "District Committees").

b. The High Level Committee, the Regional Committee and the District Committees 'shall discharge of their functions in such a manner as to address the concerns of all persons in the Tsunami Disaster Zone (the "TDZ", as defined below) and shall do so without discrimination against any person on grounds such as ethnic origin, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, social origin, birth or other status.

2. Scope
a. The scope of the High-Level Committee, the Regional Committee, and the District Committees shall be limited to performing the functions defined in Sections 5(b), 6(b), and 8(b), respectively, and having effect exclusively within the TDZ (as defined below), as further specified by Section 6(a) in the case of the Regional Committee and by Section 8(a) in the case of the District Committees.
b. The Tsunami Disaster Zone (the "TDZ") shall be defined as the area affected by the tsunami.

c. The TDZ shall include all that tsunami-affected land area of Sri Lanka which is adjacent to the sea, lying within a limit of 2 kilometres landwards from the mean low water line.
d. The High-Level Committee may decide to bring additional land areas within the TDZ; provided, however, that all such land areas must have been directly impacted by the tsunami or directly affected by the displacement and resettlement of persons as a result of the tsunami.

e. New proposals for measures to be adopted in, or affecting the coastal areas covered by seawater shall be undertaken under the aegis of an international agency. Such proposals might include measures to recover material lost to the sea during the tsunami, the cleaning up of shores and beaches affected, even when covered by seawater, and the repairing and construction of jetties or commercial fisheries harbours affected by the tsunami.
f. The Ceasefire Agreement, dated as of 23 February 2002, between the GOSL and the LTTE, shall continue in full force and effect, and nothing in this MOU shall be construed to prejudice such agreement or alter its terms in any way.

3. Period of Operation
a. This MOU shall enter into force from the date it is executed by both Parties (the "Commencement Date") and continue in operation for a period of one year from the Commencement Date.
b. The Parties shall by consensus have the option to extend this MOU for an additional period or periods.

4. Cost and Expenses
The donors shall be requested to cover all costs and expenses incurred relating to the establishment and functioning of the P-TOMS.

5. High-Level Committee
a. Geographic Scope. The High-Level Committee shall act exclusively in relation to the TDZ.
b. Functions. The High-Level Committee shall perform the following functions:
i. Formulation of policies for the equitable allocation and disbursement of donor funds in the TDZ based on needs assessments submitted to the High-Level Committee, guided by the principle that funds should be allocated in proportion to the number of affected persons and the extent of damage;
ii. Provision of advisory services; and
iii. Monitoring of the functioning of P-TOMS;
c. Composition. The High-Level Committee shall consist of the following members:
i. 1 nominee by GOSL;
ii. 1 nominee by LTTE; and
iii. 1 nominee by Muslim parties.
d. Alternates. Each nominating party shall designate one alternate who will be authorized to attend meetings and act on behalf of the member only in the event he or she is unable to attend due to illness, necessary travel or other exigent circumstances.
e. Chairperson. The High-Level Committee shall select one of the members of the High-Level Committee to serve as the chairperson to conduct and coordinate its meetings. The role of the chair shall rotate among the members with each chairperson serving for two months.
f. Observers. The High-Level Committee shall have one observer representing multilateral donors and one observer representing bilateral donors attend its meetings. The observers shall be nominated by the multilateral donor community and the bilateral donor community, respectively.
g. Decision Making. .
i. The High-Level Committee shall strive to make decisions based on consensus. All members shall work together in good faith and use their best efforts to reach a common agreement before the High-Level Committee makes any decisions.
ii. In the event that consensus cannot be reached the members shall immediately enter into an extensive consultation procedure with their nominating parties and the donor community with the aim to reach an agreement and to ensure continued cooperation in the High-Level Committee.
iii. In the event that consensus can still not be reached the nominating parties may after having followed the consultation procedure laid down in Section 5(g. i and ii) and after having given 14 days notice, suspend the cooperation in the High-Level Committee.
h. Location. The High-Level Committee shall be located in Colombo.
i. Procedures. The High-Level Committee shall determine its own procedures for the discharge of its functions.
j. Servicing Secretariat. The High-Level Committee shall establish a small independent secretariat with adequate staff.

6. Regional Committee
a. Geographic Scope. The Regional Committee shall act exclusively within those areas of the TDZ in the Six Districts.
b. Functions. The Regional Committee shall perform the following functions:
i. Development of strategies for implementation and prioritization of post-tsunami emergency relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development measures;
ii. Project approval and management with respect to projects for post-tsunami relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development;
iii. Overall monitoring of projects; and
iv. Fund management, with respect to the fund specifically defined in Section 7.
c. Composition. The Regional Committee shall consist of the following members:
i. 2 members nominated by GOSL, out of which one will serve as Deputy Chairperson;
ii. 5 members nominated by LTTE, out of which one will serve as Chairperson;
iii. 3 members nominated by the Muslim parties, out of which one will serve as Deputy Chairperson;
iv. The Regional Committee shall have a proper gender balance.
d. Observers. The Regional Committee shall have one observer representing multilateral donors and one observer representing bilateral, donors attend its meetings. The observers shall be nominated by the multilateral donor community and the bilateral donor community, respectively. Other observers may be invited to attend the meetings of the Regional Committee.
e. Decision Making.
i. The, Regional Committee shall strive to make decisions based on consensus. All members shall work together in good faith and use their best efforts to reach a common agreement before the Regional Committee makes any decisions.
ii. In the event that consensus cannot be reached, decisions shall be made by a simple majority of the Regional Committee. In the event of equality of votes, the Chairperson can exercise a casting vote.
iii. Not withstanding paragraph iv below, in the event that a decision is taken on an issue having an adverse effect on a minority group, acknowledged by at least two members of the Regional Committee, approval will require two thirds majority (seven members) of the Regional Committee.
iv. In the event that a proposal from a District Committee does not get a simple majority in the Regional Committee and at least two members of the Regional Committee request redressing of the decision relating to the proposal, the rejection will require two thirds majority (seven members) of the Regional Committee.
f. Location. The Regional Committee shall be located in Kilinochchi.
g. Procedures. The Regional Committee, in consultation with the High Level Committee shall determine the procedures for the discharge of its functions.
h. Servicing Secretariat. A small Secretariat for the Six Districts shall be set up and may draw staff from the Secretariat for Immediate Humanitarian and Rehabilitation Needs (SIHRN). The Secretariat shall be named as the Regional Secretariat for Post-tsunami Coastal Reconstruction and Development (RSPCRD), and shall provide secretarial and administrative services to the Regional Committee .
i. Project Management Unit. A Project Management Unit (the "PMU") shall be established to manage the projects approved by the Regional Committee.
j. Accounting. The Regional Committee shall appoint a suitably qualified, independent accountant.

7. Regional Fund
a. There shall be a Post-Tsunami Coastal Fund for the Six Districts (the "Regional Fund"), consisting of unspecified (program) and secretariat funds. The unspecified (program) funds shall consist exclusively of foreign funds while the secretariat funds shall consist of both foreign and local funds.
b. The Parties shall appoint a suitable multilateral agency to be the Custodian of the Regional Fund.
c. The purpose of the Regional Fund shall be to expeditiously make available funds, following proper approved procedures, to facilitate and accelerate the relief, rehabilitation, reconstruction and development program in the tsunami-affected areas of the Six Districts.
d. The Parties and the Custodian shall agree on a mechanism for the establishment and operation of the Regional Fund.

8. District Committees
a. Geographic Scope. Each District Committee shall act exclusively in relation to those areas of the TDZ within its district.
b. Functions. Each District Committee shall perform the following functions within its district
i. Identification of needs;
ii. Prioritization of needs;
iii. To generate, receive, appraise and prioritize project proposals from various stakeholders and submit recommendations to the Regional Committee; and
iv. To monitor and report on project progress to' the Regional Committee.
c. Composition and Decision Making. The Districts Committees, already established and well-functioning, shall continue their work. The District Committees may further discuss and decide on issues relating to their composition and decision-making. Adequate Muslim representation shall be ensured. The District Committee shall also have a proper gender balance.
d. Location. Each District Committee shall be located within its district.
e. Servicing Secretariat. A small Servicing Secretariat shall provide secretarial and administrative services to the District Committees.

9. Execution
This MOU may be executed in duplicate, both texts being equally authentic

The political circus, complete with acrobats, jugglers, clowns and illusionists continue on a single theme that is the P-TOMS, oblivious to the pressing problems of the people such as the skyrocketing cost of living and the no-go, stagnant situation in the country. The people witnessing this spectacle can only keep guessing what kind of trick the ringmaster or, in this occasion the ringmistress, can pull out before the final curtain falls.

The week began with all eyes focused on the P-TOMS as Norway’s Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen arrived in the country. His arrival meant that the government and the LTTE had reached finality on the document. Although the Muslim politicians expressed concern about representation at the regional committee, the Norwegians knew well that changes could not be made to it. After holding discussions in Colombo Helgesen flew to Kilinochchi and met LTTE Peace Secretariat head S.P. Thamilselvan. The signal from the LTTE was that they were awaiting the government to sign the document for them to sign it. The concern of the LTTE, more than signing the document, had been whether it would be properly implemented.

The government finally tabled the P-TOMS document in parliament, throwing it into turmoil yesterday morning with the JVP protesting inside the chamber and not allowing the debate on the P-TOMS to proceed. It could have been a concerted move by the JVP to prevent the debate for which an entire day had been allocated, since the JVP was against bringing the P-TOMS to parliament in the first place. The JVP indicated this to several prominent government members before it left the UPFA.

It was more or less a home-home battle in Parliament, with the PA and JVP members arguing and abusing each other while the usual target, which is the UNP and the TNA, were looking on unperturbed. The JVP MPs led by Wimal Weerawansa came down to the aisle waving black flags and disturbing House Leader Maithripala Sirisena’s speech after tabling the P-TOMs. Wimal Weerawansa even tore a copy of the P-TOMS and threw it at Sirisena as SLFP members formed a protective ring around him.

While the JVP MPs were protesting inside parliament, members of its trade unions and university student unions protested on the road leading to parliament. They were not able to penetrate the security net laid around parliament in anticipation of such protests. The protestors too, not amounting to many, were dispersed by police with the firing of tear gas without causing much trouble. Although the JVP backed anti P-TOMS protest turned out to be a poor show, the government was expecting something big and even made arrangements to air-lift Ministers to parliament by helicopter. Several Air Force helicopters were in fact kept ready for the purpose on Friday morning at the Army grounds and the Racecourse grounds, although the need did not arise. However, caught in the middle of the protest and the Police teargas attack was the most unlikely person to be there – UNP’s Dr. Jayalath Jayawardana, who was on his way to parliament.

Security in the city too was beefed up from Thursday as the date for signing the P-TOMS drew nearer. Armed soldiers were deployed at most of the junctions and along main roads leading to Colombo city. The Police too was put on alert to prevent any unruly situation that might breakout. The Police riot squad was also put on alert. Extra policemen were deployed around key government institutions.

On Thursday, rumours were afloat that the government had signed the P-TOMS. Rumour mongers were having a field day with even JHU MP Ellawala Medhananda Thera telling parliament that he had come to know that the P-TOMS had been signed. As pledged, President Kumaratunga visited Kandy on Thursday and discussed the document with the Mahanayaka Theras. Asgiriya Mahanayaka Thera, Venerable Udugama Sri Buddharakkitha Thera even went to the extent of recording his support, saying that it does not harm the sovereignty of the nation. The Ven. Udugama Sri Buddharakkita Thera has been quite outspoken in his support for the peace process from the time former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe signed the ceasefire agreement. He even ran into trouble with the extremist and chauvinistic sections of the Buddhist clergy and the laity at that time when he said that he was not against lifting the ban on the LTTE if it helped bring about a settlement. Malwatta Mahanayaka Thera, Venerable Tibbotuwawe Siddhartha Sumangala Thera too is known to be liberal on his views regarding the peace process.

The Mahanayaka Theras seem to be a good representation of the silent majority of Sinhala Buddhists who are not extremists and prefer a negotiated settlement that would not harm the sovereignty and the territorial integrity of the nation. The prudence shown by the Mahanayaka Theras is most commendable. It shows that a rational and moderate stand by the Mahanayaka Theras can overshadow the politically motivated extremist stands taken by a section of the monks who are actively engaged in JVP politics or with the JHU.

On Friday morning, as scheduled, the government signed the document after Maithripala Sirisena tabled it in Parliament. From the government side, Secretary to the Ministry of Rehabilitation, Reconstruction and Resettlement, M.S. Jayasinghe signed the document. It was then taken to Kilinochchi by Norwegian Ambassador Hans Brattskar who was flown there by a SLAF helicopter. Before Brattskar returned to Colombo with the signature of the LTTE, the government called a media conference at the Information Department, where Minister Maithripala Sirisena announced the government’s signing of the document.

The government finally went ahead with the signing of the P-TOMS, which even challenged the very existence of the UPFA government although it has now been reduced to a PA government. However, the JVP’s protests and agitations against the P-TOMS were disappointing when compared to its earlier protests and its organising capabilities. Even the lunch time protests in front of government institutions by JVP unions were poorly attended. Either the JVP had run out of steam in its protests or they themselves were half-hearted in opposing the P-TOMS. There is division within the JVP as well about leaving the government over this issue. Some who felt that the JVP leaving the government had given an advantage to the UNP think that the hard-line stance taken by Somawansa Amarasinghe and Nandana Gunatilleka was not called for and the JVP could have continued to agitate from within the government.

Many political observers are of the view that the JVP misread the situation. It is supported by the fact that there is no large scale protests or public outcry against the P-TOMS for the JVP to ride on. The lacklustre nature of the JVP’s protests yesterday stands as meek evidence.

There were also behind-the-curtain moves by the government to pacify the JVP. The main mover to woo back the JVP into the fold was Minister Mangala Samaraweera. Soon after his return from China, he was in contact with the JVP to mend fences and chart the future course of the SLFP-JVP friendship. Some of the JVP front-liners too had agreed that they were hasty in leaving the Alliance. However, one of Samaraweera’s first acts was to retain the JVP support in the Western Provincial Council for the PA. Through this move the PA was able to get its councillor Nandana Mendis sworn in as Chief Minister. Another concern of the Mangala-JVP talks was the Presidential Election and how they should proceed. Following this, Wimal Weerawansa hinted in Parliament that they were ready to support the Prime Minister in a new alliance if he is capable of defeating reactionary sections in the government.

With the signing of the P-TOMS without heeding JVP threats, President Kumaratunga has taken the upper-hand for the moment. The P-TOMS document, which was released to the public in full, did not defer much from the synopsis published in the Daily Mirror last week. The detailed document released by the government spells out the three-tiered structure consisting of the High Level Committee, the Regional Committee and the District Committees. One concern that could be raised about the P-TOMS is the definition of the Tsunami Disaster Zone, which covers the entire tsunami-affected areas in the country, enabling the P-TOMS High-Level Committee to decide on the tsunami-affected areas in the entire country. However, the document states that formulation of policies for the equitable allocation and disbursement of donor funds should be based on a needs assessment submitted to the High-Level Committee, guided by the principle that funds should be allocated in proportion to the number of affected persons and the extent of damage.

Now that the P-TOMS has been signed after much hue and cry, the government has to ensure that the tsunami-affected people who are still living in temporary shelters are benefited. The ground reality is that even after six months the government has failed to rehabilitate and reconstruct the tsunami-affected areas. For the common man, what matters are not documents and committees but what happens on the ground.

The JVP yesterday created chaos and mayhem in parliament for the first time since crossing over to the Opposition and the anticipated special debate on the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure failed to take off. However, despite JVP disturbances the Government managed to table a draft of the P-TOMs and sittings were adjourned at 10.30 a.m. with parliament to reconvene on July 5.

The JVP demonstration resulted in the scheduled nine hour adjournment debate being shot down even before it could take off, though gleeful Government MPs banged their desks in triumph once the controversial document was tabled by the Leader of the House and Senior Minister Maithreepala Sirisena.

As expected, Minister Sirisena stood up to deliver a special statement on behalf of the government, but sat down when JVP parliamentary Group Leader Wimal Weerawansa raised a point of order. His sudden intrusion resulted in government MPs objecting but senior Ministers calmed them down. Mr. Weerawansa said Mr. Sirisena had promised to state in the morning whether the P-TOMS was to be signed during the debate or not and wanted an anwswer immediately.

Mr. Sirisena in response said he would answer the question at the end of the debate. The JVP MPs were not satisfied and started shouting with Wimal Weerawansa heard to be speaking at the top of his voice. “I said clearly yesterday and say so today also that the agreement will not be signed while we are presenting this document. It has yet not been signed”, Mr. Sirisena said.

JVP MPs led by Mr. Weerawansa then started to descend to the aisle of the chamber waving black flags. As the Leader of the House tried to go ahead with his speech amidst the disturbances, Mr. Weerawansa went up to him and was heard saying something. Mr. Weerawansa then tore up his copy of the P-TOMS document and threw the pieces at Mr. Sirisena’s desk.

Mr. Sirisena was not cowed down by the incident and went on reading out his speech, while JVP MPs continued chanting in front of his desk and the desk of Finance Minister Sarath Amungama. Senior minister D.M. Jayaratne then sprang up and started countering the JVP. Amidst the din, Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara suspended sittings for ten minutes at 9.45 a.m. while government Deputy Ministers moved in and stood around Mr. Sirisena in a protective ring. The sergeant-at-arms also moved in near the Mace.

By now about 30 JVP MPs were in the middle of the Well chanting slogans against the P-TOMs. “Rata wanasana yanthrane, koti sanasana yantrane, hakula ganiw”, JVP MPs said while Minister D.M Jayaratne shouted back ‘Mini maruwo”. Mr. Sirisena and other Ministers then left the chamber. Meanwhile TNA, UNP and JHU MPs stayed put observing the scenes. Minister Jayaratne waving his arms wildly waged a lone struggle from his desk, shouting in support of the P-TOMS.

At 10.10 am the quorum bell started ringing and the Speaker urged the MPs in the middle to return to their seats. But the Speaker’s plea was drowned in louder shouting by the JVP MPs. Mr. Sirisena then came in and announced he would table the P-TOMS draft and his speech in parliament. At this stage UNP MP John Amaratunga raised a point of order saying the Prime Minister was not to be seen and questioned his whereabouts.

“Does he oppose it. Why is he staying away leaving it to the Leader of the House to present this document”, he asked.

Mr. Sirisena then stood up and requested the Speaker to adjourn sittings with government MPs banging their desks in support. Mr. Sirisena reiterated that the P-TOMS was not yet signed. The Speaker repeated the message to the shouting JVP MPs, and questioned the reason for continuing with the protest. Mr. Sirisena again called for the adjournment of the house, and the Speaker promptly adjourned sittings at 10.25 am. While the JVP group moved away from the aisle, SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem and UPFA Minister Cegu Izzadeen were seen exchanging words.

Mr. Hakeem was near the government front benches and was heard shouting at the Minister. Opposition Whip Mahinda Samarasinghe then came and dragged Mr. Hakeem away from a possible fight but he was heard to issue a final challenge before leaving the chamber. “You come to Akkaraipattu”, he warned.

The UNP yesterday said it supported in principle the setting up of the P-TOMS for the purpose of making urgently needed assistance available to tsunami affected people in the North and East, but also pointed out some weaknesses and flaws in the agreement.

UNP spokesman G.L. Peiris in a lengthy statement said, “It is of vital importance that tsunami relief and rehabilitation must be given to all affected areas in the country and that this benefit must be conferred on all citizens of Sri Lanka including those residents in parts of the country at present dominated by the LTTE.

Since the greater proportion of the resources required for relief and rehabilitation is being put at our disposal by the international community consisting of governments, as well as the non-governmental sector, the requirement of accessing and mobilising donor funds is crucial to achieve effectiveness in respect if the recovery programme throughout the country.

The UNP recognises that success in this task, daunting in its proportions, is dependent on substantial and continuous donor support. The foundation of this consists of the decision made by the Donor Co-Chairs reflected in the Brussels Declaration of 25th January 2005 to "support the Government and the LTTE efforts to strengthen cooperation on assistance for relief, rehabilitation and development in the tsunami affected areas of the North and East."

It is abundantly clear from this sequence of events that the signing of the agreement was postulated by the Donor Community as a necessary condition for the release of assistance. Since Donor assistance is urgently required for the tsunami victims, who are undergoing intense suffering, the UNP believes that it is of critical importance to ensure that the prompt availability of this assistance is not jeopardized in any way. It is evident that an attempt to renegotiate the provisions of the agreement will place that aid in jeopardy.

It has been the consistent position of the UNP that issues relating to structures for the delivery of tsunami assistance must be sensitive to the peace process and must have the effect of fortifying and reinforcing it. The UNP has been entirely consistent in its articulation of the principles underpinning the political solution it envisages to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. The principal elements of our approach to the peace process are contained in the letter addressed by Leader of the UNP and Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe to the President on oath dated October 2004. Our Party reiterated in that letter that our unqualified support is available for the peace process within the parameters set out in the Tokyo Declaration and the Oslo Communiqué, both of which acknowledge the pivotal principle of a united Sri Lanka. This principle is of undiminished importance in the context of the current agreement. The public will recall that, within two weeks of the occurrence of the tsunami tragedy on 26th December 2004, the Working Committee of the UNP adopted a resolution directed towards mobilising the while nation to deal effectively with a disaster of unparalleled m.3gnitude in our country's history.

The Working Committee's Resolution of 10th January 2005 proposed the establishment of a mechanism which allowed ample scope for participation by the Government, political parties, and representatives of ethnic communities, international organisations and broad segments of civil society. The functions and responsibilities of the proposed mechanism were conceived of in strikingly comprehensive terms. Among other salient functions, it was envisaged that the mechanism to be established would review the Needs Assessment of the Government and the Donor Agencies, formulate a programme and plan of action to cater for the requirements of all affected people, set up a special fund to support those who have lost family members, their homes and equipment and means of livelihood and establish a Community Action Committee at local authority level as a focal point for cooperation and unity.

The letter of 10th May 2005 from the UNP Leader to the President said the UNP would have no objection to any arrangements which were to be made with regard to affected people in the LTTE dominated areas, provided that the arrangements fell within the framework of the Oslo Communiqué and the Tokyo Declaration founded upon the principle of a united Sri Lanka. Our Party was mindful that the Tokyo Declaration, subscribed to by 52 nations and 21 international agencies participating in the Tokyo Conference held in June 2003 reflected the broadest conceivable consensus between the international community and the Government of Sri Lanka ever achieved in the history of Donor assistance to our nation.

While reiterating the generally supportive thrust of our approach to the P-TOMS agreement, we draw attention to several anomalous or incomplete provisions of the agreement and we place on record our reservations with regard to these areas.

Our concerns relate to the following aspects of the Agreement:

A. Section 5 (c) dealing with the High Level Committee contains provision which governs the composition of the High Level Committee. According to this provision, the High Level Committee consist of the following members:

i. 1 nominated by the government

ii. 1 nominated by the LTTE

iii. 1 nominated by the Muslim parties.

Since no provision is made for representation of the Sinhala community, the implication appears to be that the nominee by the Government will be a Sinhalese. The United National Party has consistently adopted the self-evident position that the Government of Sri Lanka represents all the people of Sri Lanka. The implication to the contrary contained in provision 5(c) is unacceptable. A future UNP government will act in conformity with the principle by which we have always abided in this regard.

B. It is unfortunate that the MOU referred to as the P-TOMS agreement was signed by the Government without the participation of the representatives of the Muslim community in the North and East. The substantial complaint derives from the absence of consultation with these groups in respect of a whole range of issues pertaining to the structural framework of the P-TOMS agreement.

There is a regrettable gap in respect of Muslim representation. When the peace process was embarked on under the aegis of our Government in 2002, the UNP considered it important to make appropriate arrangements to give effect to the principle of participation by the representatives of the Muslims in the North and East.

C. It is our view that clear provision should be made for the representation of the Sinhala community. As the document now stands, there is an obvious lacuna in this respect. Since the Government of Sri Lanka is not obliged to nominate a member of the Sinhala community to the High Level Committee, there could well be a situation in which the Sinhala community goes unrepresented. We think that this is unacceptable.

D. There is an anomaly with regard to the composition of the Regional Committee envisaged by section 6 of the document. Section 6 (c) makes it clear that the Chairperson of the Regional Committee will be a Member of the LTTE, while the Deputy Chairpersons are nominees of the Government and the Muslim parties. As in previous agreements, provision should be made for representatives to be nominated by the Government of Sri Lanka, but not to function as Deputy Chair. The latter provision entails an unacceptable relegation of the status of the Government of Sri Lanka.

E. The territorial areas within which the P-TOMS agreement will be operative are enveloped in some degree of doubt. This is attributable to the wording used in Section 2 of the document entitled "Scope". Section 2 (b) declares that: "The Tsunami Disaster Zone (the TDZ) shall be defined as an area affected by the Tsunami."

This is followed immediately by Section 2(c) with the provision that: “the TDZ shall include all that tsunami affected land area of Sri Lanka which is adjacent to the sea, lying within a limit of 2 kilometres landward from the mean low water line." This is an inclusive, as distinguished from an exhaustive, definition. It would therefore seem that the TDZ could, in keeping wit', the definition embedded in this document, extend beyond the limit of 2 kilometres. This requires clarification.

F. In our view, a material omission in the document consists of the absence of any reference to the "Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement (also known as the Deng principles) adumbrated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This forms an essential part of the core principles applicable to the functions of the structures established by the document, and the deletion of these principles therefore constitutes a significant deficiency.

G. There is no scope accorded in the document to the principle of subsidiary which, in our opinion, is critical for good governance.

The thinking of the UNP in respect of all aspects of delivery of tsunami relief and, indeed, the ramifications of the larger peace process entails a sharp focus on the responsibilities of local government authorities, operating as they do in close proximity to the needs and aspirations of the people of the affected areas. The omission in this regard prevents grass-roots participation in the making and implementing of decisions. This cannot but affect adversely the practical functioning of the mechanism.

This is the first time in over two decades of armed conflict that the parties have agreed to cooperate in a political-administrative structure that comprises the national, regional and district levels, the Norwegian Embassy in Colombo said yesterday.

"It is of major political significance that the parties after nearly a half-year of efforts have signed the agreement on the joint management structure. I congratulate the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam with today's signing", Petersen, said.

The Muslim population, which has been severely affected by both the conflict and the tsunami, will be represented in the joint management structure, he said. The participation of Muslims will be essential for effective reconstruction after the tsunami and for efforts to achieve a lasting solution to the conflict in Sri Lanka, Petersen said.

It is important now that the parties rapidly establish the joint structure for the benefit of all persons affected by the tsunami, and that they make the most of this opportunity to build mutual confidence in the continued peace process though their cooperation on reconstruction. In their endeavour, the parties need the active support of the international community, both in terms of economic and political backing. It also remains critical that both parties strictly uphold the Ceasefire Agreement and that all Sri Lankans promote a peaceful environment for reconstruction.

The Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE have worked to agree upon the joint structure since early January. The negotiations have been facilitated by the Embassy of Norway in Colombo. Visiting Sri Lanka, State Secretary Vidar Helgesen has participated in the discussions with President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga and her government and with the LTTE.

An unidentified person Friday night around 8.30 p.m. lobbed two grenades at the house of Mr.V.Vigneswaran, General council member of TELO and President of the Trincomalee District Tamil People's Forum (TDTPF). His house is located at Anpuvallipuram, about 3 k.m. east of Trincomalee town on the Kandy road. Mr.Vigneswaran was not in the house at the time of incident, sources said.

The TDTPF under the leadership of Mr.Vigneswaran is spearheading the campaign for the removal of the controversial Buddha statue, which was erected in a land close to the Trincomalee central bus stand last month. The unidentified person who spoke in Tamil fluently had gone and asked for Mr.Vigneswaran. That person had lobbed two grenades at the house on being told that Mr.Vigneswaran was away. The two grenades exploded causing damages to articles found in the dining room, according to an inmate of the house. No one was injured in the explosion, he said. The incident was immediately reported to the Uppuveli Police.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005

Govt. Muslim MPs betrayed community: Hakeem

SLMC leader Rauf Hakeem yesterday accused Muslim government members of betraying the community by failing to ensure that Muslims had a signatory role in the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS), and relegating their status to that of mere bystanders.

“This is a betrayal. I am appalled at the Muslim Ministers who despite my calls to unite have cooperated in this betrayal of the community’s interest” he told the Daily Mirror in Parliament after the House was adjourned early due to disruptions.

He said Muslim government members had done little to fulfil their mandate to agitate for an equal status for Muslims in future peace talks aimed at arriving at a final solution to the ethnic problem. “”Our disunity should not be the convenient excuse for the facilitators of the government and LTTE to continuously ignore our legitimate demands” he said.

Mr. Hakeem charged that the Muslim community was referred to as a ‘group’ in the P-TOMS, and that tantamounted to the relegation of their status as a nationality.

While not opposing the P-TOMS or the LTTE being party to it, Mr. Hakeem said the Muslims should have been given a dominant role in the agreement since they were the worst affected community.

Hakeem said since the P-TOMS was an agreement between the government and LTTE, it went against the Tokyo Declaration in which Muslims were assured the right to separate representation.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005 CBK create history Srilanka and LTTE sign P-TOMS

Government of Sri lanka and the LTTE signed the Joint Mechanism document to distribute aid in North East today evening.

Government of Sri lanka and the LTTE signed the Joint Mechanism document to distribute aid in North East today evening.

Norwegian facilitators, Friday noon reached Kilinochchi with the signature of Mr. Mudiyanselage Sumanaweera Jayasinghe, Secretary of Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation, who signed on behalf of the
Government of Sri Lanka in the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) sources in Colombo said. Mr. Shanmugalingam Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development Secretariat (PDS) on behalf of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) signed the MoU, after the Government representative had signed the treaty, sources in Kilinochchi said.

The parties signed three copies, sources said. One copy is kept by the LTTE in Kilinochchi, one by the Government of Sri Lanka in Colombo and a third copy is to be deposited in Oslo, sources added. The signing of MoU strengthened Norwegian facilitation in the Peace Process, although critics warned that implementation of MoU still can face formidable challenges.

The preamble of the pact states that the MoU is between the two parties, the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Muslim community's interests are safeguarded by its representation in the three tiered operational management structure of the P-TOMS.

According to Political observers the legal status of P-TOMS is similar to that of the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) of February 2002, as both were signed without explicit passage through the legislative assembly of the
Sri Lankan state. This is indicative of the reality that the Tamil national question can be resolved only through extra-constitutional measures, observers pointed out.
Article 7(b) of the MoU lists the creation of a "Regional Fund", the custodian of which will be a multilateral agency appointed by both parties, the GoSL and the LTTE.

"The Parties and the Custodian shall agree on a mechanism for the establishment and operation of the Regional Fund," adds article 7(d).

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Fri, June 24, 2005

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Fri, June 24, 2005

UN welcomes Sri Lanka agreement on aid deal
Welcoming the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam (LTTE) to establish a joint tsunami aid-sharing structure Friday, the Secretary General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, said through his spokesperson that he “hopes the agreement will help place Sri Lanka on the road to full recovery from this unparalleled tragedy," and that “he believes that this is an important day for the many tsunami-affected families and communities in the country.”

Fri, June 24, 2005

President calls for an end to divisive politics, reiterates that the Aid Deal is just a 'simple administrative arrangement'
President Chandrika Kumaratunga today appealed to all those concerned to shun divisive and confrontational politics and work as a team to alleviate the sufferings of those affected by the tsunami.
Ms. Kumaratunga reiterated that the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS), signed today is a simple administrative arrangement to provide humanitarian relief to those affected by the December 26th catastrophe.

According to the Presidential Secretariat, the President is saddened by opposition to this administrative arrangement which went beyond democratic dissent. Ms. Kumaratunga has however urged all responsible leaders to take advantage of this window of opportunity to recommence the stalled peace process. She has also expressed her confidence that Sri Lanka will soon achieve a negotiated durable peace which will ensure the rights of all communities in this country.

Sri Lanka Parliament adjourned until July 5

Speaker W.M.J. Lokubandara adjourned the Parliament until July 5 today, amidst continued protest against the Joint Mechanism from the JVP since sittings commenced this morning.

The chaos started when Leader of the House Maithripala Sirisena moved to table the Joint Mechanism proposal and some JVP members surrounded him, leading the Speaker to adjourn the Parliament for fifteen minutes.

After resuming the session, JVP parliamentarians again surrounded Mr. Sirisena and a few SLFP parliamentarians were seen providing security to Mr. Sirisena. JVP MPs asked whether the Joint Mechanism had been signed. In reply, Mr. Sirisena said it was not signed until he tabled it in Parliament.

Later, the Speaker adjourned the Parliament until July 5 due to continued protest from the JVP.

Police tear gas JVP protest near Sri Lanka Parliament

Police used tear gas to disperse several thousand JVP protestors when they tried to break through the security checkpoint on the main road leading to the parliamentary complex this morning.

The protestors launched a campaign near the Parliament around 9 AM today, while the Parliament commenced the day’s proceedings. More than 30 minutes after the start of the demonstration, the protestors tried to break through the security checkpoint, leading the police to use tear gas.


Later the crowd was dispersed and tight security was imposed after the deployment of additional security forces. Two special security checkpoints were also set up on the main road leading to the parliamentary complex.

Fri, 24 Jun 2005

Joint deal with Tigers forms basis for reviving peace in Sri Lanka: official COLOMBO, June 24

The Sri Lankan government Friday said a controversial joint deal with the Tamil Tigers for tsunami relief delivery in the Tamil regions could form the basis for reviving the stalled peace negotiations between the two sides. Finance Minister Sarath Amunugama said "this can lead to restarting of the peace process."

Direct peace negotiations between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) rebels brokered by the Norwegian government were suspended in April 2003 after six roundsof talks. Amunugama and some 10 senior government ministers attended a briefing here Friday after the signing of the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) amidst unruly scenes in the parliament.

The assembly has been postponed until July 5 as the JVP or the People's Liberation Front staged a noisy demonstration inside the chamber when the government had presented the controversial joint deal with the Tamil Tigers for tsunami relief distribution by then. The leader of the House Maithripala Sirisena said that mechanism was signed on behalf of the government by M.S.Jayasinghe, secretary to Ministry of Rehabilitation Reconstruction and Resettlement.

The document was forwarded by helicopter to the LTTE headquarters in the north, the minister said. A copy of the P-TOMS agreement distributed among reporters said "The LTTE and the government have resolved to work together in good faith and use their best efforts to deliver expeditious relief, rehabilitation reconstruction and development to the coastal communities in the north and east".

The mechanism has a three-tiered structure - a high level committee, six regional committees and district committees.

The high level committee is to comprise of one government nominee, one LTTE nominee and a Muslim nominee which would become 2, 5 and 3 in that order at the regional committee levels.
The district committees may further discuss and decide on issues relating to their composition and decision-making The agreement would last a year with option to extend further if required.

Sri Lanka's international donor community is to be asked to provide funds to cover all costs and expenses incurred with regard to the P-TOMS, the document says. Enditem.

Thu, 23 Jun 2005
JVP plans countrywide protests Affiliated health unions too join in work stoppage By Gagani Weerakoon
With the rising speculation that the government is to finalise the Joint Mechanism today with the LTTE, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna, mainly with their trade union wing, will hold agitation campaigns countrywide in an attempt to disrupt day to day life of the public.A JVP politburo member said the party will hold a ‘Day of National Protest’ today and invited all patriots to participate in these protest campaigns, especially to the main protest scheduled to be held opposite the Parliamentary complex.

“This is definitely an effort to strengthen the LTTE’s attempt of creating a separate state under the cover of humanitarian needs of the tsunami-affected people. We must create a strong public protest against this deceitful act,” he said. Meanwhile the All Ceylon Trade Union Federation (ACTUF) urged its members to hoist black flags in every work place and to stay away from work. ACTUF General Secretary, MP Piyasiri Wijenayaka said they took this decision at a meeting held with the leaders of 80 trade unions of the public sector which was chaired by the party’s trade union wing leader K.D. Lal Kantha.

The JVP’s political, bhikkhu, student and trade union wings are to participate in these agitation campaigns. Meanwhile, Health employees of the JVP affiliated All Ceylon Health Services Union (ACHSU) will stage protests outside all major hospitals today and refrain from work to protest the signing of the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure (P-TOMS). Union spokesman Samantha Koralearachchi said the All Ceylon Trade Union Federation (ACTUF) decided to stage country-wide protests in all government establishments and to refrain from work today. The health unions will put up black flags denouncing the agreement.

Meanwhile, the Government Nursing Officers Association (GNOA) spokesman Saman Rathnapriya said their union was in favour of the signing of the P-TOMS. -

Date: Thu, 23 Jun 2005
Monks, religion and politics

It is irreconcilable for a person, who has given up his lay life to become a monk or a nun with the intention of learning and practicing the Dhamma following the strict code of discipline with a desire of seeking liberation from the round of births an deaths and attendant suffering in Samsara, to revert to lay activities like politics even with good intentions.

Unless this is done, it gives an opportunity for persons or political parties to exploit it for their own purposes.

This seems to be what is happening now and has led to a crisis. Of course it has been the practice of the kings of past and rulers today to seek the advice of the Maha Sangha on important matters who, with their Buddhist monastic training, could be expected to be impartial; but not the other way about for monks to force their views or advice on the rulers.

What is unacceptable is when a monk undertakes a fast unto death demanding the government gives into his or his party’s view. Fasting unto death is tantamount to suicide which is an illegal act. Besides it is a breach of the First Precept meant for laymen which is an undertaking not to take another’s life or even one’s own life. What is worse is that this is done without the full knowledge of the government’s proposals which is regrettable for any learned monk who has read and understood the Kalama Sutta.

Another fallacy is that there is a parallel between Venerable Wariyapola Sumangala bringing down the British flag and hoisting the Sinhala flag as a protest against the British who cunningly brought our independence to an end, and for which act he was executed.

It is hoped that these Theravada monks who are taking part in protest marches shouting slogans and promoting fasting unto death will in the spirit of Buddha’s teaching think again and settle this matter peacefully without giving the LTTE an opportunity to capitalize on this crisis.

Asgiriya Mahanayake supports P-TOMS By L. B. Senaratne
The Mahanayake of Asgiriya Ven. Udugama Sri Buddharakitta Thera yesterday told President Chandrika Kumaratunga that she should go ahead with the P-TOMS agreement even though it was too late. The prelate who blessed the President also told her he believed there was no threat to the sovereignty of Sri Lanka in the agreement.

The President met the Mahanayake at the Sri Dalada Maligawa to brief him, as promised at the Janadipathi Mandiraya some weeks ago that the steps taking by the President would be intimated to the theras. The President told the Mahanayake of Asgiriya that the document would be tabled in Parliament as an adjournment motion today.

As the Mahanayake of the Malwatte Chapter was away at Kahawatte and was returning only yesterday, Central Province Governor Monty Gopallawa was entrusted with the task of delivering a letter from the President to the prelate.

Later the President who wished to pay homage to the Tooth Relic was told that at that time the doors of the inner shrine were closed. The President then said she was willing to pay homage from outside and did so at the exposition mandapaya.

The secretary of the Asgiriya Chapter Ven. Prof. Warakawe Dhammaloka Thera, Finance Minister Sarath Amunugama and Central Province Governor Monty Gopallawa were also present.

The Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) will be presented to Parliament for debate today, Chief Government Whip Jeyraj Fernandopulle revealed to the House yesterday. He was answering a query raised by JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa.

When parliament met yesterday (23) Weerawansa asked Fernandopulle whether the P-TOMS (document) proposal would be presented in Parliament on Friday (24) after it had been signed by President Kumaratunga.

Fernandopulle: We will give you the documents in all three languages before it is debated in Parliament tomorrow.

Weerasansa: We want to know whether the document is to brought before this House as a signed document or not. If it is to be brought as a signed document it will be useless, for we have to make our views and suggestions known before it is signed.

Fernandopulle: We will be bringing it before the House tomorrow.

Weerawansa: What we want to know is whether it has already been signed or whether it is to be signed while we are debating it in Parliament before it is signed.

Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thera (JHU): If this agreement is signed will mean the President has gone back on what she had promised the Maha Nayaka Theras that she will not sign the document or implement the P-TOMS proposals without consulting the Maha Nayake Theras.

Weerawansa: We are aware the President will discuss this with the Maha Nayake Theras and it will be signed to appease a group of tourists. We are aware that she will sign this traitorous document, and after she signs it she will take her two children and go to Nuwara Eliya for a holiday.

Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thera (JHU) said there was a pest some years ago that posed a threat to the coconut plantations but now the fragmentation of the plantations for growing as well as felling of coconut trees for timber posed another threat. In addition, some ministers and highly placed person were taking over good coconut plantations.

"One person should not be allowed to betray the nation using the power given by the people. We will unite all the patriotic parties to being a No Confidence motion against the government and an impeachment against the President if this documents is signed. We will even, at the risk of our lives, campaign and mobilize all patriotic forces against the P-TOMS proposal and defeat it", he said.

He added the President had taken steps to sign a treacherous document which was going to fragment and destroy the whole country. "This is the greatest treachery in the whole history of the country. We are told that we have to follow the principles enunciated by Arahat Mahinda but let those who preach to us go to that holy man Prabhakaran to follow those principles".

Thu, 23 Jun 2005

President can’t decide on date of next poll: UNP By Kelum Bandara
The UNP yesterday claimed that President Chandrika Kumaratunga had no constitutional powers to determine the date of the next presidential election, and only the Elections Commissioner had been empowered to do so.

UNP spokesman G.L. Peiris told a news conference that the President had mentioned the date of the next presidential election several times despite it being a matter exclusively for the Elections Commissioner.

“There is a clear provision in the Constitution regarding the holding of a Presidential election. After four years in power, the President has the power to bring forward the date of the election to ask for a second term. This is in respect of the first term only. However, in respect of the second term, it is exclusively for the Election Commissioner to determine the date. Therefore, whatever the President has said is not the law but only her personal opinion,” Prof. Peiris said.

Referring to the political crisis in the country, he said it was clear that the President was reaping what she had sown when the Ceasefire Agreement was signed by the UNP in 2002.

“The dilemma she is facing today is the direct result of the course of action she resorted to when the Ceasefire Agreement was signed by the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. She nurtured and strengthened the extremist forces in her favour to obstruct the peace process,” he said.

He said today the government was reduced to a minority in Parliament with the opposition holding a majority.

“During President J.R.Jayewardene’s reign, the government MPs flowed over to the opposition benches. Today, that situation has been reversed with opposition members being compelled to occupy 44 government benches. The entire opposition has 75 seats than the government today,” he said.

Prof. Peiris however said the UNP would not exploit the situation to topple the government.

“The President has said she can run the government till the next budget without the Parliament and the Cabinet. She also says that democracy means the approval of 51 percent. We disagree with these ideas. On a crisis time like this, it is important to have Parliament in session for the members to express their views on behalf of the people whom they represent,” he said.

Prof. Peiris said they were organising a ‘Janabala Meheyuma’ from Devundara to Colombo from July 2, to mobilize the people against the sky-rocketing cost of living and the government’s failure to grant relief to tsunami victims. The march will reach Colombo on July 12, he said.

NEW DELHI, June 23: Indian Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh will lay the foundation stone for the US$560-million Sethusamudram Shipping Canal Project (SSCP) in Madurai on July 2. Congress Party President and ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA) Chairperson Sonia Gandhi will attend the function.

Other dignitaries who will attend the ceremony will include UPA partner DMK’s Chief Muthuvel Karunanidhi, Finance Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram, and Shipping and Transport Minister TR Baalu, among others.

However, there is speculation in the media here that Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Ms Jayaram Jayalalithaa may keep away from the high-profile event because Union Minister Baalu is not "personally" extending an invitation to her. A lowly functionary of Baalu’s ministry may deliver the invitation to the highly protocol-conscious chief minister’s secretary.

Baalu belongs to the DMK party, a bitter rival of Ms Jayalalithaa’s AIADMK party. Elections to Tamil Nadu state assembly are due any time before April 2006, most political parties in the southern Indian state are trying hard to impress the voters by claiming credit for making their 145-year-old dream a reality.

Ms Jayalalithaa says her mentor the late MG Ramachandran (MGR, the Kandy-born Tamil actor-turned-politician who founded the AIADMK and was Tamil Nadu chief minister) and she herself had been fighting for the Sethusamudram project for the past three decades. She says that, as a member of the Rajya Sabha 20 years ago, she had made many fiery speeches in Parliament’s upper house asking for the project. So, the credit for it must go to her.

But the DMK claims credit for the project because its ministers in the federal cabinet, including Baalu, had worked hard to persuade Prime Minister Dr Singh to go for the project. Finance Minister Chidambaram, a Congress leader from the state, claims credit for the project because the Congress-led UPA is making the project a reality. And Vaiko, leader of UPA ally MDMK wants to hog credit by arguing that he is the one who used his personal influence with Dr Singh to sanction the expensive project!

Tight security arrangements are being made in Madurai for the Sethu project function. Special trains are being arranged to Madurai to enable people from other parts of Tamil Nadu to attend the ceremony.

The Sethusamudram canal opens up a channel for ships ferrying between India’s eastern and western coasts to avoid going around Sri Lanka. India does not have a continuous navigable route within its own waters right now.

The project will link the Arabian Sea with the Bay of Bengal by dredging the ocean bed in the shallow waters to the north of Sri Lanka to create a navigable canal across the Gulf of Mannar, Palk Bay and Palk Straits. Its length will be 167km, and breadth 300metres. The canal’s depth will be 14.5 metres deep to allow ships with draught of up to 65,000 DWT to cross. India hopes to complete the canal project in three and a half years.

Sri Lanka's powerful Marxist party vowed Thursday to launch a nationwide campaign against the government if the president signs a controversial tsunami aid-sharing deal with Tamil Tiger rebels.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga says the plan to share billions of dollars in aid with the Tigers marks a golden opportunity to forge peace with the guerrillas and end a war that killed nearly 65,000 people before a cease-fire halted the fighting three years ago. However, the Marxist People's Liberation Front and the country's influential Buddhist clergy have argued that the deal would raise the rebels' legitimacy in the international community, boosting their separatist agenda and undermining Sri Lanka's sovereignty. Somawansa Amerasinghe, head of the People's Liberation Front, said the party would launch a campaign "to educate the people of the danger the country faces" if the deal is signed.

"We may seek a mandate from the people and ask for new elections," Amerasinghe told The Associated Press. General elections aren't due until 2010. Though only the president has the power to dissolve Parliament and call early elections, a protest campaign by the Marxists could disrupt the country's economy because the party is supported by labor unions in crucial sectors, including petroleum. The People's Liberation Front last week withdrew its 39 lawmakers from the ruling coalition to protest the government's aid-sharing plan, reducing Kumaratunga's government to a minority with just 81 seats in the 225-member Parliament. Kumaratunga has said she will present the proposal in Parliament, but it wasn't clear when she would do so.

The Tigers want a say in how aid gets distributed in the Tamil-majority north and east _ parts of which are under guerrilla control. The rebels have complained that assistance has not reached Tamil areas fast enough since the Dec. 26 disaster, which killed at least 31,000 people in Sri Lanka. The rebels began fighting in 1983 for a separate homeland for ethnic Tamils in the north and east, claiming discrimination by the majority Sinhalese. The 2002 cease-fire has largely held, although subsequent peace talks broke down in 2003.

Minister Ashroff met the Norwegian Deputy Minister on his return from Kilinochchi yesterday. Given news that there may be no Muslim representation in the TRC, the speculation is that Ms. Ashroff may tender her resignation from her ministerial post. In another development, Minister Mangala Samaraweera has sound that the JVP would return to the government within two weeks and hence there would not be a Cabinet reshuffle to appoint new ministers to JVP-held posts.

Critics have questioned whether the JVP left the government on an understanding that they would return after the government has signed the TRC agreement, thereby washing their hands of it.

A senior minister yesterday acknowledged the possibility of early parliamentary elections, as a result of the simmering political crisis triggered by the JVP's pull-out, over the proposed Oslo-arranged tsunami aid sharing deal with the LTTE.

Health Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva yesterday morning told German Ambassador Jurgen Weerth that parliamentary election would have to be held if the UPFA government failed to pass its second budget. According to de Silva, who played a key role in negotiations, leading to the formation of the UPFA administration, just over a year ago, the forthcoming budget would indicate the fate of the government.

JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa on Tuesday said that they wouldn't destabilise the government as long as President Kumaratunga didn't finalise the agreement. Ambassador Weerth met Minister de Silva at the signing ceremony of an agreement that would provide US 5 million dollars to restore the tsunami-devastated Mahamodera hospital, the premier government hospital in the south. Health Secretary Ranjith Maligaspe and Dr. Holthoff Pfortner signed for the respective governments.

The agreement was reached following negotiations initiated by Minister de Silva when he met former German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who had been at the southern tourist resort when the December 26 tsunami struck coastal areas. Ambassador Weerth had inquired of Minister de Silva about, what our sources termed, the stability of the government. Claiming that the UNP wanted early presidential elections the Minister had pointed out that the election was scheduled to be held in November next year. "The government is stable. But if we lose the budget in coming November, there willl have to be early elections," he said.

Minister de Silva also assured the German Ambassador that the proposed tsunami aid sharing deal with the LTTE would be finalised soon. According to well informed sources de Silva termed the proposed Joint Mechanism aka Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) as a simple and soft document although it had generated unprecedented media interest. Ambassador Weerth, responding to Minister de Silva's queries, expressed the belief that the government should go ahead with the deal despite problems. Ambassador Weerth was echoing the Colombo based Ambassador and High Commissioners and visiting foreign dignitaries.

Wed, 22 Jun 2005

Tigers Invite Muslim Leadership For Talks….slate CBK.

LTTE Political Wing leader S.Thamilchelvan has told Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesssen today that the Muslim leadership must have talks with the LTTE towards considering their grievances and possibly accommodating them in the Joint Memorandum.

Thamilchelvan charged today that President Kumaratunga's "proclamations alone were not sufficient to alleviate the sufferings of the Tsunami hit people in the North-East province."

A spokesman for the LTTE in Kilinochchi said Thamilchelvan came down hard on Kumaratunga saying " the people had already reached the very extremes of suffering and tolerance. Furthermore, he said, the people have been waiting for over 20 years of the war to get back to normalcy. Helgesen is reported to have told Thamilchelvan that the government wanted a few more assurances before aid began flowing from the $3.5 billion foreign aid for Tsunami reconstruction .

What was essential today was to salvage the peace process, he said adding that this was being threatened seriously by cease-fire violations, for the CFA is the key to the entire peace process and if that is hijacked by scheming elements, then there is no useful purpose in the Joint Mechanism or any mechanism for that matter." Tamilselvan said.

He expressed disgust over the armed groups which he claimed are being sponsored by the SL Military intelligence units and urged that the case of post-war resettlement, rehabilitation, reconstruction, resettlement and development must not be placed on the back burner.He urged the facilitators to interact with the government to bring about an attitudinal change in Colombo.

The ceasefire between the government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) remained in place, despite a number of violations and a failure to resume peace talks, Amnesty said in its report.

Summarizing the rights violations of Government of Sri Lanka, Amnesty said, "In November the government announced a “reactivation” of the death penalty. Torture in police custody was widely reported and victims seeking redress faced threats and violence. There was little progress towards holding security forces to account for past human rights violations. Religious minorities came under threat, with attacks on Christians and Muslims, as well as the tabling of a bill aimed at curbing religious conversions."

Pointing out that, "The human rights situation in the north-east deteriorated following a violent split within the LTTE in April and a dramatic increase in politically motivated killings," the Amnesty said of the LTTE: " Although a large number of child soldiers were released during the internal fighting, the LTTE continued to recruit children, including through abduction."

Amnesty said, referring to the Government of Sri Lanka's draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) "40 prisoners remained in detention under the PTA at the end of the year," and pointed to the conclusion made by the UN Human Rights Committee that "the rights of Nallaratnam Singarasa had been violated and that he should be given an appropriate remedy such as “release or retrial and compensation. Nallaratnam Singarasa was detained under the PTA in 1993 and sentenced to 50 years’ imprisonment in 1995. Nallaratnam Singarasa claimed that while in detention he was tortured and forced to put his thumbprint to a confession written in Sinhalese, a language he did not understand. This confession formed the main basis for his conviction."

Amnesty accused the LTTE of publicly executing Balasuntaram Sritharan and Thillaiampalam Sundararajan in the eastern village of Illuppaiadaichenai and for killing Balanadarajah Iyer, a senior EPDP spokesman. On recruitment of child soldiers, the report said, "The UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported the recruitment of 448 children as soldiers in the first half of 2004, while acknowledging that the actual figure was probably far higher.

"It was reported that a large number of child soldiers were deployed in the fighting between the LTTE and the Karuna faction in April and that there were some child casualties. Following the fighting, over 1,600 child soldiers from the east, who had fought alongside Colonel Karuna, were disbanded and spontaneously returned to their homes. In May and June it was reported that the LTTE were re-recruiting many of these demobilized children, using tactics of intimidation, abduction and violence..."

Wed, 22 Jun 2005
JVP signals possible alliance with Mahinda

JVP parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa yesterday warned, what he termed, the minority clique in the SLFP-led minority government not to go ahead with the proposed Joint Mechanism aka Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS).

Making a special statement as an opposition MP, Weerawansa vowed to reconsider their desire to defend (stability of) the government and the provincial councils while being an independent group in the opposition. "We’d like to emphasise that this would decisively influence any decision we would take in any future election," he declared.

Thanking Premier Mahinda Rajapakse and Chief Government Whip Jeyaraj Fernandopulle for "their assistance in parliamentary affairs", the firebrand MP said, "If the struggle you are engaged in to defeat the conspiracy, staged by a minority clique sustained by foreign aid of a few NGOs, is successful, maybe we’ll meet on one platform again. We, on behalf of the inspiration of the people, wish that you will be able to defeat the minority NGO clique which had wriggled into the alliance government to destroy it." Weerawansa also thanked Ministers Mangala Samaraweera, Lakshman Kadirgamar, Anura Bandaranaike, Nimal Siripala de Silva and Susil Premjayanth for promoting the UPFA government.

Wed, 22 Jun 2005
"JM is useless, if Ceasefire Agreement is hijacked," Tamilselvan declares

"Norwegian facilitators did not bring any decisive message from the Sri Lankan government today on the Joint Mechanism" LTTE Political Wing Leader S.P.Tamilselvan informed the media soon after his meeting with Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen, the LTTE Peace Secretariat announced today.

"President's professed commitment to the signing of the Joint Mechanism is the only message that we got and we continue to get this message for quite some time now and proclamations alone are not sufficient to alleviate the hardships of a people who have already reached the fringe of frustration when tsunami struck them, waiting for three years to get back normalcy in their life after twenty years of war," quipped Tamilselvan.

Had working out a modality to ensure equitable sharing of international aid for post tsunami management been done timely without politicizing the issue, a conducive environment could have been created to place the right building blocks in the confidence building process, the political wing Leader noted.

"What is essential today is to salvage the peace process which is being threatened seriously by cease-fire violations, for the Ceasefire Agreement is the key to the entire peace process and if that is hijacked by scheming elements, then there is no useful purpose in the Joint Mechanism or any mechanism for that matter" he noted.

Wed, 22 Jun 2005
No LTTE objections to Muslim representation in P-TOMS by Manjula Fernando

LTTE political wing leader S.Thamilselvan called on President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga to use her executive powers to implement the tsunami aid distribution structure P-TOMS (Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure). Addressing a press conference after meeting Norwegian Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen at the LTTE political office yesterday morning, he said they had no objections to including Muslims in the proposed structure.

However, he expressed reservations at initiating a dialogue with Muslims to discuss their concerns at this point as it would further delay the implementation of the mechanism. "The delay in the implementation of the P-TOMS has led to the diminishing of faith in our people," Thamilselvan said calling on the President to use her executive powers to go ahead with the proposal. He also pointed out the increasing number of attacks targeting their members and political offices.

Helgesen said the Government and the LTTE must come to an agreement on Muslims representation in the proposed P-TOMS. Addressing reporters soon after the meeting with LTTE political wing leader, Helgesen said: "We are just the mediators. We have no powers. The LTTE and the Government must resolve the issue of Muslim representation."

"I hope the proposed structure would soon be implemented to ensure equal distribution of aid among all affected by the tsunami," he added. Helgesen was flown to Kilinochchi on board an Air Force helicopter around 9 am yesterday. LTTE political wing leader Daya Master quoting his political leader said Thamilselvan made no comment on the JVP's leaving the government on the P-TOMS issue.

He has raised concerns over the delay in the implementation of P-TOMS. Helgesen has conveyed to the LTTE the President's strong commitment to go ahead with the P-TOMS which aims at the fair distribution of donor aid to all parts of the country to help tsunami victims to rebuild their lives.

The government did not respond to the JVP and TNA when they raised the matter at the special party leaders meeting held earlier in the day, sources said.The JHU raised the matter in parliament when its group leader Ven. Athureliya Ratana Thera making a special statement asked Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse to table the P-TOMS. But the PM remained non committal to the JHU request.

The British government has suspended the enforced return of Sri Lankan asylum seekers from tsunami-affected areas of the country's north, east and south. The UK Under Secretary of State Andy Burnham in a letter to the Sri Lankan government stated that the temporary suspension of enforced return applies to all Sri Lankans from coastal areas in the north-east, south and south-west directly affected by the tsunami. The UK will also be assessing information from the UNHCR and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office on this issue, the letter said.

Oslo to LTTE: Accommodate Muslims

Helgesen to make appeal at talks in Kilinochchi today By Kasun Yapa Karunaratne
President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the visiting Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen held two hours of talks yesterday on the proposed tsunami aid-sharing deal and the Norwegian peace envoy will meet LTTE leaders today in a bid to persuade them to accommodate some aspirations of the Muslim community, government sources said.They said President Kumaratunga who later met NUA leader and Minister Ferial Ashraff gave her an assurance that Mr. Helgesen would do his best to get the LTTE to agree to some amendments to accommodate Muslim concerns.

The crisis meeting between the President and Ms. Ashraff came last night amidst speculation that the NUA leader was planning to quit the government in protest against the failure to accommodate the aspirations of the Muslim community in the Post-Tsunami Operations Management Structure.The sources said Ms. Ashraff who met other leaders of the Muslim community last night urged them to wait for the results of Mr. Helgesen’s talks with LTTE leaders in Kilinochchi today.Mr. Helgesen is expected to meet Ms. Ashraff and other Muslim leaders again tomorrow.

On Monday at a meeting with SLMC leader Rauff Hakeem, Mr. Helgesen had indicated that the P-TOMS agreements between the government and the LTTE was finalized now and no changes could be made to accommodate the wishes of the Muslim community. This had caused anger and protest by Muslim community leaders, including Mr. Hakeem and Ms. Ashraff.Earlier yesterday before meeting the President, Mr. Helgesen held talks at the Norwegian embassy with a Muslim Peace Council delegation including Ms. Ashraff. National Unity Alliance spokesman Abul Kalam said they had expressed their concern to Mr. Helgesen and he assured these would be taken up both with the President and the LTTE.

He said Mr. Helgesen had asked whether signing the deal was more important that Muslim representation on the structure and the delegation said both were important.

21 Jun 2005

JVP/JHU to field common presidential candidate! by Bandula Jayasekara

Political sources say The Janatha Vimukthi Permauna (JVP) and the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) may get together to field a common candidate at the next Presidential elections. A common candidate, who would stand for the unitary character of the country and one who would denounce terrorism would be their choice as the common presidential candidate.

A JHU member said there were many in the SLFP and the UNP who were willing to support them at the right time and this was the right time for the country to present a common candidate rather than somone from the two main political parties. He said they called upon all national minded and country loving Sri Lankans and leaders such as TULF President V. Anandasangaree, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda, leader of NUA Ferial Ashraff to join hands with them. He refused to divulge the names to be proposed as the common candidates. The JHU member said that had ironed out many differences with the JVP and both parties were of the view that the country must come first and it must be protected first.

At the time of quitting the UPFA alliance, JVP leader, Somawansa Amarasinghe said that the JVP would certainly align itself with any party committed to defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of the country.

21 Jun 2005

Sinhala chauvinism will never permit a just approach to Tamils The full text of the speech given by Rev Fr Bernard at the “Voice of Tamil Nation” event held on Sunday at the Kailasapathy hall in Jaffna University is reproduced below:

I have been asked to give my talk about the aim of today’s event and the background to it. Thus my talk will be along these lines. The views of the Jaffna people were gathered recently through a research project. The aim of this event is to let the international community and the south Ceylon community know of these findings in the presence of leaders and intellectuals respected by the people of Jaffna and with their blessings. Three inter related issues have come up. They are, the Sinhala chauvinism that is standing opposed to us in the name of language and religion; the historical background to this; and the need to safeguard our right to self-determination from this chauvinism.

It is very important to understand this aim and therefore some explanation is needed. Firstly, we are not disrespecting the Buddhist religion or the Sinhala people. On the contrary we respect both. Secondly, when we talk of our nationalism we do so while respecting similar feelings of other people. But we raise our voice against any exaggerated feeling of nationalism that attempts to spread its hegemony on us thus wounding our self-respect.We have not failed to notice that there have been voices in south Ceylon then and now against this Sinhala hegemony. People’s views Sinhala hegemony is the cause of the 25 years of war that is crushing us. In the 50 years since independence there have never been a strong political community, or political culture, or leadership in south Ceylon to break this Sinhala hegemonic tendency. From now on we will determine our own future. In order to explain these views it is necessary to look into the political history.

Manifestations of Sinhala chauvinism Citizenship act Soon after independence from Britian the new government in Ceylon introduced a citizenship act and through it denied the Tamils in upcountry their citizenship and their right to vote. Not only that through this the government wiped out any political bargaining strength for the Tamil people.

At the same time the Sinhala Mahasangam was applying pressure to make Sinhala the only official language and Buddhism the state religion. Accordingly, late Bandaranayake, former Prime Minister, who in earlier decades demonstrated his broad outlook by proposing a federal system of government for Ceylon, now turned into an opportunist and started shouting the Sinhala only slogan in 1956. He won the elections with landslide victory as a result.

Sinhala only “Two languages on country – one language two country”, dismissing these words of a Sinhala leader, in 1956 Sinhala was made the only official language. Tamil leaders started fasting in front of the parliament opposing this. That was a non-violent struggle. But violence was used to break that protest. Massive protests broke among Tamil people objecting to the violence. These too were non-violent protests. Banda – Chelva pact In order to manage the Tamil protests Prime Minister Bandaranayake held talks with the leader of the Tamil Arasu political party, Chelvanayakam. A pact was signed by the two following the talks. The basis of this pact is the federal system of government.

The following were included in this pact, o Tamil was accepted as the language of the minority in Ceylon.
o Tamil to be made the language of administration in the northeast. .
o Create district councils in the Northeast and.
o Reform the settlement schemes and the citizenship act. .

But Buddhist leaders opposed this pact. J R Jayawardhana also staged protests against it. Unable to face the opposition to the pact, Bandaranayake unilaterally ripped the pact in front of them.

Government sponsored settlements in Tamil areas As a result of these settlements the number of Sinhala people in the eastern district increased by 10 fold from 1946 to 1976. This seriously affected the Tamil people. Tamils who were already a minority at the country level were also made a minority in their traditional homeland. When new electoral districts were created their representation and their bargaining strength were severely reduced.

Dudley – Chelva pact Another pact was signed in 1965. This was signed by Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake and Chelvanayakam. The following were contained in this pact,

o To make Tamil the administrative language in the Northeast.
o Use Tamil in the courts in Northeast.

o When land is allocated it must first be offered to landless Tamils in that area and then to Tamils in other areas and lastly to other people. .Even for these very limited demands, there was opposition. The Sri Lanka Freedom party that was in support of the Banda-Chelva pact, having lost power, now became the opposition party that opposed this new pact. As before Buddhist leaders also opposed the pact. As a result the government could not implement this pact for a long time.

New constitution in 1972

United Front government that won the elections in 1970 initiated the proposal for a new constitution. The Tamil Arasu party put forward the following to the council considering the new constitution.

o Incorporate the Dudley-Chelva pact into the constitution.
o Make Tamil language the medium of education for the Tamil students.

All of these were rejected by the council. All other Tamil parties except the Tamil Arasu party put forward the following suggestions.

o Give Tamil equal status.
o Grant citizenship to those from whom it was taken away.
o The constitution must not be favouring one or the other community.

All of these were also rejected. Not only that, clause 29 in the then existing constitution that granted protection to the minorities by ensuring equality of status for all religions and languages was removed in the new constitution and Buddhism was given a special place.

Another constitution in 1978

The new constitution of 1978 also did not take into account the shortcomings in the 1972 constitution in relation to the Tamils. Instead this too became a document that reinstated Sinhala Buddhist hegemony.

It became impossible to expect a respectable life from the south Ceylon society.

Discrimination in education

Yet another manifestation of the Sinhala hegemony was the “standardisation” procedure implemented for the university entrance. This created a huge hurdle to the higher education of Tamil students. This came when Tamil people were already affected in the areas of job opportunities and job promotions due to the Sinhala only Act and the anti-Tamil sentiments.

Independent state policy replaces Federal system policy Only when Tamils realised that all these actions were destroying their identity, their feelings of Tamil nationalism gained strength. In 1976 at the Vaddukoddai conference the decision was taken to secede from Ceylon. The victory of the candidates who stood on the independent state ticket made the political views of the Tamils crystal clear.

The struggle for Tamil rights did not start with the demand for an independent state. Tamils original aim was to set up a political structure to share power within an undivided country in order to cherish Tamil language and culture and have equal opportunity in the economic life of the country. Not only that Tamils were actually opposed to the division of the country. In the 1970 election two candidates stood on the independent state policy in two electorates. They both lost the elections. In fact the Tamil Arasu party campaigned against the idea of dividing the country in 1970. This shows clearly that Tamils opposed the division of the country in 1970. But all of them were gradually pushed into adopting the independent state policy.

These Tamils held the view that although we have two separate, Tamil and Sinhala, socio-cultural history, and while preserving this uniqueness, at the national level we prefer the common identity as “Ceylonese” where all are treated as equals. However, the majority community at that time rejected this and promoted the idea that “Ceylonese = Sinhala Buddhists”.

The path to reach the goal The initial path taken by Tamils to achieve the goal was not by violence but through non-violence. But….

In 1956 Tamils protested the Sinhala only act through non-violent protests. Violence was used against these protesters. Sinhala thugs killed 150 people. In 1958 Tamils protested the abrogation of Banda-Chelva pact. Violence was prize given to them yet again. Roaming crowds killed hundreds of Tamils and houses and properties belonging Tamils were burned down.

When Tamils protested the Sinhala only act military was sent to Jaffna for the first time and at least one Tamil civilian was killed. Many others were injured. Tamil leaders and members of parliaments were arrested. Yet again the prize for non-violent struggle was violence.

In 1974 during the peaceful World Tamil Research conference violence by police resulted in the death of 9 Tamil civilians. After the 1977 elections (one month after) massive violence against Tamils was let loose and roaming crowds killed hundreds of Tamils within the first two weeks. After the 1977 violence against Tamils similar violence in mass scale took place against Tamils. The one in 1981 and 1983 were particularly vicious. Those in the government were also involved in this mass violence against Tamils. In the report about the situation in Ceylon prepared by International Jurists, Paul Seighart states the followng.

“The interval between these communal violence has been getting shorter and shorter. These incidents continue to take place throughout the country. The severity of these violent incidents has also been increasing. The killing of Tamils, seriously wounding them, stealing their property, and taking away their homes is all not independent incidents. They are becoming heinous regular occurrences…. One characteristic about all of the communal violence is that Tamil people have not taken revenge on the Sinhala people living amongst them. Therefore in each communal violence those who have died are Tamils.”

Armed struggle

Trust in non-violent struggle weakened and the view that armed struggle is the only available option gained strength among Tamils. In 1978 an armed group named “Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam” started among the Tamil youth. This group that started as a small guerrilla force in due course has grown into a strong conventional military force.

Role of the security forces

The Sinhala chauvinist political leadership used its military to crush the Tamil people’s struggle. The military that was purely a ceremonial outfit in due course had to work very hard to regain its good name in the international arena. Such is the cruelty lashed out by the military. Military is responsible for rape, torture, arbitrary arrest, extra judicial killing, involuntary disappearance and many other human rights violations. More than 65,000 innocent civilians died as a result of this military cruelty and indiscriminate bombing. There were no buildings left undamaged. Under the cover of the “Prevention of Terrorism” act every single human rights declared in the international human rights covenants and conventions were violated.

Thimbu talks in 1985

This talk was arranged by India with the aim of bringing the war to an end. All the Tamil representatives who took part in this talk put forward the following points, Tamils are a nation, their homeland is the continuous territory of northeast of Ceylon, and Tamils have the right to self-determination. Ceylon government rejected these points and the war intensified and dragged on.

Ceasefire agreement

LTTE came forward to sign this agreement from a position of military strength. But the selfish competitive political culture of south Ceylon blunted this effort. There are no signs that the day to day life of the Tamil people is going to improve. One of the hurdles for this is also the continued maintenance of the high security zones by the military. Farmland, fishing, schools and many other issues have not returned to normalcy.

Today

For the people affected by the tsunami destruction – to help the people affected by the tragedy that melted the hearts of people all around the world – to set up a very limited structure – that too a joint structure – there is no space. More than 50 years chauvinism has dried up the humanitarianism.

In conclusion

There is no grain of hope that this chauvinism will allow a just approach to find a solution to the Tamil people’s right. Therefore Tamil people are declaring in front of this gathering that they will safeguard their land with their own strength and determine their own future.

21 Jun 2005

Cometh the hour, cometh the person

My dear Podi Akka, Ayubowan, Vanakkam, Assalamu alaikkum and congratulations of the highest order for acting on the courage of your convictions after several months of going here, there and nowhere in a mud hole of indecision and vacillation. Your nationally televised speech to the Kandy rally last Thursday was a landmark in your political career. You said Sri Lanka was facing its moment of truth and in this defining period you were ready to take decisive decisions though the path may be difficult or dangerous. That’s the stuff that stateswomen are made of and history will give you more than an important chapter for taking decisions based on the wellbeing of the next generation and not for party gain or personal glory.

This week might be the long awaited and long delayed week of weeks, with Norweigian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen here for decisive and, hopefully, conclusive talks not only on the Tsunami Relief Council but also on the resumption of the peace process. The LTTE, in one of its most conciliatory statements, said the agreement with the government for the distribution of tsunami aid would be a vital step to rebuild the trust between the two parties and pave the way to resume the peace talks.

Last Thursday, the political landscape of the country was reshaped and redefined when the JVP stuck to its ultimatum and pulled out from the UPFA government. Whatever the positives or negatives of this pullout and breakup of the UPFA, the JVP has strengthened its credibility to the extent of sticking to its word in an era of broken promises when only words appear to be going cheap.

JVP leaders are insisting they will not return to the government because you appear to be determined to go ahead with the TRC and the signing of the agreement is likely to take place this week. But Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, in a typically confused package including his own interest or Presidential Election prospects and the common interest of the government, is not giving up hopes of reconciliation. With or without your knowledge or approval, he had called another meeting with JVP leaders who in the last days of the UPFA came out openly in support of Mr. Rajapakse’s Presidential campaign, though they too apparently had their own agenda.

As reportedly directed by you, the state media these days are giving extensive publicity to the work being done by your brother Anura Bandaranaike, apparently preparing the stage for you and him to announce his Presidential bid once the government crisis is sorted out. Mr. Rajapakse is perhaps painfully aware of this despite your verbal assurance to him that he would be the Presidential candidate. The trouble seems to be your credibility with even your written assurances being seriously doubted after you officially wrote to the Speaker that you would not dissolve parliament unless the then UNP government lost its majority, but followed it up six months later by doing what you had promised not to do.

Rebuilding you credibility is a long and difficult process with even LTTE political wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan saying recently that your promises and sincerity seem to be as fragile as sand castles. The Tsunami Relief Council and the peace process now provide an opportunity for you to rebuild your credibility and rebuild trust with the LTTE and the party.

The first victim of the UPFA breakup was Western Province Chief Minister Reginold Cooray, now one of your closes confidants and cheer squad leaders. He resigned on Sunday when it became obvious that the no confidence motion against him in the WPC would be passed. The UNP which is now the largest single party in the WPC has staked the claim to form the administration but governor Alavi Moulana – another confidant, is likely to take some other course of action. Parliament also meets today amidst typically conflicting, confusing and contradictory reports as to what might happen. Being strong in a storm you insisted in your speech last Thursday that the withdrawal of the JVP would not destabilize or weaken the government, though the Opposition numbers in parliament are overloaded and overflowing. Despite all the negatives, with some analysts saying the only certainty today is the uncertainty, one important positive factor is that for the first time since independence the two major parties, the PA and the UNP are taking a common stand on the Tsunami Relief Council and the peace process. This is a crucial factor and it needs to be built on because it could turn out to be the foundation of rock which you referred to recently when stressing the need for peace and justice based on equality and respect for the multi-religious and multi-racial nature of our country.

In 1959, 1966 and 1986 when the then governments tried to work out what they saw as a just and fair solution with the Tamil-speaking community, the other major party led a strong campaign opposing it till the process was sabotaged or sidelined. If we look at the most recent instance - in 1986, we see how the JVP made a historical mistake, which it still does not acknowledge, while the SLFP led the opposition to the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord and the Provincial Councils which flowed from it.

It was the JVP which set the country ablaze and set the fuse for the reign of terror from 1987 to 1989. The JVP then insisted, as it does now, that the Provincial Councils would violate Sri Lanka’s sovereignty or territorial integrity and lead to a division of the country. Today, the Provincial Councils are widely seen as expensive absurdities though the JVP is a key player in seven of the councils. If Provincial Councils were like machine- guns, then, in comparison, the TRC is like a water pistol. But even plastic pistols, as we saw in the case of Polgahawela’s plastic Dracula, could be used for gimmicks, hoaxes or terrorism and even religious terrorism.

As Reginold Cooray asked in a TV show: What is the difference between the LTTE’s suicide bomb or cyanide pill and the death fasts we saw recently? If suicide bombs amount to political terrorism then are we now seeing religious terrorism? If one person is allowed to change the course of history according to his or her relative perception, if not bigotry, then what’s the use of democracy and elections with the process of consultation, consensus and compromise?

Amidst all this you need to now show the country that to make war is easy but to make peace is much more difficult.

Yours sincerely,
Koththamalli

21 Jun 2005

Hakeem deceived Muslims - MNA

Leader of the Muslim National Alliance (MNA) Hafiz Nazeer Ahmed said Rauf Hakeem's call for unity of Muslims for representation in the Apex Body of the Joint Mechanism was a sham and a ruse to deceive the community at which he has become an expert, states a Muslim National Council press release.

Speaking to a group of Muslims an astonished Ahmed said he believed that this was a ploy by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress leader to increase his numbers in Parliament so that he could cut for himself a better bargain at the expense of the community and secure his position in the event of a snap poll. Elaborating further Ahmed said the Muslim community and more especially the youth were aware that numbers alone in parliament could not win the rights of the Muslims as was proven in the past.

The Peace Process came into being in the UNF government of which the SLMC was a coalition partner but in spite of attending six conferences Rauf Hakeem could not win the demand for a separate representation for the Muslims. Hakeem would promise the party members and the community that he would secure the right to participate as a separate delegation at the subsequent conference, but he deceived the party and the community for six consecutive conferences. The Muslim community is aware that Hakeem did not keep to his word because he was dancing to the tune of the Norwegians and was not concerned about the community.

Explaining the current political scenario he said the JVP gave up all privileges when they quit the government to oppose the Joint Mechanism because they believed the accord was detrimental to the nation. they took to the streets to explain their stand and for what they believed was right. On the other side of the spectrum the TNA supported the JM because they believed that it was good for their community. 'But my brother Rauf Hakeem did not spell out his stand on the issue and now calls for unity in spite of claiming 70% of the Muslim vote in the North and East. If he had this backing why then did he not agitate for Muslim representation in the Joint Mechanism?' asked a puzzled Ahmed.

Questioning Hakeem's motives he wondered why he did not accept a proposal for the 'Leaders Council Concept' mooted by the rebels in his party if he was genuine in his call for Muslim unity. "The SLMC constitution was tailor-made for the late Mr. M.H.M. Ahsraf to suit the peculiar circumstances that prevailed then and Hakeem has abused the constitution using it to serve his own agenda."

A bemused Nazeer said that he couldn't fathom Hakeem's call for Muslim unity. "One day he sacks members from the party and the next day he calls for unity". He retorted that he had made this superficial call to boost his standing and that if Hakeem were sincere he should have spelled out his proposals on the JM in no uncertain terms by now.Wimal, Nandana to take front-row with Ranil

21 Jun 2005

UNP, JVP compromise on seating in House by Shamindra Ferdinando

The UNP is cooperating with the JVP on seating arrangements in parliament, The Island learns. Parliament meets today for the first time after the JVP quit the government on June 16, as part of its protests against, what JVP heavyweight and parliamentary group leader Wimal Weerawansa termed, President Chandrika Kumaratunga's unilateral action.

Well informed political sources revealed that the UNP had agreed to accommodate about 25 JVP MPs, including Wimal Weerawansa and Kalutara district MP Nandana Gunatilleke, on their side.Weerawansa and Gunatilleke, both members of the JVP decision-making politburo would take seats in the front row with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe.The two parties are believed to have discussed the seating arrangements unofficially.Wickremesinghe has revealed the proposed arrangement when he addressed his parliamentary group on Monday afternoon.The JVP's decision to function as an independent group within the opposition has raised the number of opposition MPs to 142 of the 225-member parliament. There are 116 seats on either side.

The UNP has ruled out the possibility of accommodating the entire JVP parliamentary group. "Some of them would have to sit with ruling party MPs," a senior UNPer said, revealing that about 25 UNP backbenchers, too, would have to sit on the other side.Some have expressed fears that this would be politically disadvantageous as President Kumaratunga would try to trap them. Wickremesinghe dismissed this belief, he said. "Anyone who wanted to join the ruling party at this juncture would have to have his head examined," Wickremesinghe had told Monday's parliamentary group.Parliament authorities have ruled out the possibility of making the required alterations to allow the entire JVP parliamentary group to sit together. The UNP group had also decided not to comment on the proposed Joint Mechanism aka Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) and Tsunami Relief Council (TRC). The group is of the belief that party leader Wickremesinghe should handle the issue. Wickremesinghe, after recently assuring Kumaratunga that he wouldn't take advantage of the crisis triggered by her decision to go ahead with the proposed arrangement, has refused to support a move to present the Joint Mechanism in parliament. Political sources said that this has upset Kumaratunga's plan. The UNP has urged Kumaratunga to finalise the aid sharing deal and then bring it before the Parliament.

Meanwhile the 12-member UNP political affairs committee is scheduled to meet today to discuss strategies, including the crisis at the Western Provincial Council. Karu Jayasuriya, Mahinda Samarasinghe, G. L. Peiris, Malik Samarawickrema, Weragoda (party secretary), Tissa Attanayake, P. Dayaratne, Gamini Jayawickrema Perera, Laskshman Seenviratne and Kabir Hashim are expected to join today's discussion. S. B. Dissanayake, a key member of this committee is serving a two year term of rigorous imprisonment for contempt of court.

LTTE's political wing leader S. P. Thamilselvan has reiterated the President's stance that the proposed Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) was not a political agreement but an administrative arrangement to grant relief to December 26 Tsunami survivors. In an interview with AFP while requesting that tsunami relief not be politicised, he said working with the Government to distribute foreign aid could build confidence among the warring parties. He said the LTTE was prepared for a joint distribution of tsunami relief to those affected by the boxing day catastrophe. He underscored that the proposed P-TOMS which the President had backed publicly was not part of the Norwegian backed peace process but could be a useful confidence-building measure.

"It is purely for the administration of post tsunami aid," Thamilselvan said. According to him, this has no direct link to the peace process but could be a confidence-building measure to take the peace process forward. Meanwhile barring the JVP there is universal support for the proposed P-TOMS with the larger masses of Sri Lankans, Chief Sangha Nayakes together with the international community are backing it to the hilt.

British Minister for Development Gareth Thomas who was in Sri Lanka last week said there was no secrecy of Britain's support for P-TOMS. "We hope the P-TOMS will be established soon to ensure equal aid distribution in the South, North and East to benefit survivors of the tsunami," he said. Meanwhile, traditional left parties came out strongly in support of the proposed P-TOMS, holding the view that the protests of a few should not be allowed to undermine the will of the majority of the people who wants this arrangement implemented.

LSSP Acting Secretary Wimalasiri de Mel observed it had been the country's misfortune that whenever governments in power attempt to grant some form of concession to the minorities, it is stifled by chauvinistic forces. "We urge the President to proceed with establishing the P-TOMS disregarding whatever the opposition to ensure an equitable distribution of tsunami assistance to the affected people," he said. Communist Party Deputy Secretary General S. Sudhasinghe wanted the speedy establishment of P-TOMS, saying while helping immensely to relieve the tsunami affected people of their sufferings, it would also serve as a bridge to build confidence between the warring parties.

Meanwhile, New Left Front leader Wickramabahu Karunaratne said, "we should grab even a semblance of an opportunity to get the LTTE into the political mainstream and P-TOMS offered that opportunity while also leading to the wider field of peace talks." He said the campaign launched against P-TOMS by the chauvinist forces should be defeated at all costs."Is the JHU saying that we should not provide relief to tsunami victims in the North and East?" the NLF leader queried.

Democratic Left Front Leader Vasudeva Nanayakkara noted that the establishment of P-TOMS was a democratic act and that those hardliners including the JHU who consider this as a crime should take responsibility for the present chaos in the country. He said if we fail to forge unity among all communities, there is nothing to prevent Sri Lanka breaking up like India-Pakistan and North-South Cyprus. President of the Government Service Trade Union Federation W. H. Piyadasa said his members were fully supportive of the P-TOMS and urged the Government to sign the document without delay.

Helgesen arrives in Sri Lanka for talks on aid deal
Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Mr Vidar Helgesen arrived in Colombo at 3.45pm today at the Bandaranayake International Air port and was received by the Norwegian Ambassador Hans Braksttar at the airport, sources from Colombo said. His flight arrived two hours late. The Norwegian embassy in Colombo said that Mr.Helgesen will first meet Sri Lanka's President Chandrika Bandarnaike Kumaratunge Tuesday morning. On Wednesday Helgesen will fly to Killinochchi to meet the LTTE's political wing leader S.P. Thamilchelvan.

Mr.Helgessen will discuss on the Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (PTOMS) with the President and the LTTE leaders, and his visit is expected to sources said. Helgesen is also expected to travel to Kalmunai and Amparai to see the Tsunami hit areas. However, embassy sources said his visit to the east has not yet been finalized.

Spotlight: The cover-up of Sivaram's murder By: Frederica Jansz, Dharisha Bastians and Easwaran Rutunam Source: The Sunday Leader - June 19, 2005 Police sleuths investigating the murder of journalist Dharmaratnam Sivaram have received orders from a top cop to stop the investigation after police made a vital breakthrough which began to point fingers at the leader of a paramilitary group and a political party affiliated to the government. Director, Colombo Crimes Division (CCD), SSP Sarath Lugoda denies he has received orders from his superior to halt the investigation and insists if it appears the police investigation is proceeding at snail's pace it is because "for reasons of national security we have to be careful."

Beyond that Lugoda will not elaborate. The cop for some reason is maintaining the police arrested two suspects in connection with Sivaram's killing on June 13. However, The Sunday Leader has evidence this is not the case. The two suspects were taken in for questioning by the CCD on Friday, June 3.It is after this that Lugoda received instructions to soft-peddle his probe, which he agreed to do, until The Sunday Leader, having been informed of the arrests on Friday, June 3 carried a lead story on June 5 stating police had cracked Sivaram's murder plot.

Attempts to hush up the probe However, despite holding details of the investigation, The Sunday Leader on June 5 promised not to publish them until all suspects are arrested and pledged to disclose the full police investigation only if any attempt was made to hush the probe. The Sunday Leader has since learnt such attempts are being made and in the name of justice, today brings before the public these findings which are now obscured as a result of a disgraceful attempt to allow Sivaram's killers to walk free.

Two weeks ago a police team led by Lugoda resorting to high tech telephone technology succeeded in tracing the location of the SIM card belonging to Sivaram's mobile phone to an Indian made four wheel drive vehicle. As previously reported, each time Sivaram's mobile phone number 0777-311380 was dialed after his murder, it continued to ring, proving the phone was being charged and used by someone. Seeking the assistance of experts at Dialog GSM, the police were able to crack the case by tracing the location of the SIM card via a tracking system called 'triangular technology.'

The Indian made Scorpio vehicle bearing number WP HT 6276 in which the SIM card was found belongs to D. Siddarthan, leader of PLOTE. However, when The Sunday Leader checked the records at the Department of Registration of Motor Vehicles, we found that the vehicle bearing this number is registered at the Ministry of Parliamentary Affairs, Ward Place, Colombo 7. Police claim they acted fast, arresting two men from a house in Maharagama. However, according to another source, the two suspects were arrested in Wellawatte. The source claims police stating the place of the arrests as Maharagama is part of the police cover-up.

The first suspect found to actually be in possession of Sivaram's SIM card was Arumugam Sriskandarajah alias Peter, employed in the capacity of a driver to Siddarthan. Sriskandarajah is a former military wing leader of PLOTE, who also holds a Norwegian passport and is the Colombo area organiser for PLOTE. The second suspect was Veluthan Nallanather. He had been present at the Maharagama house when police arrived and was also taken in for questioning. Sriskandarajah has been a member of the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE) since the early 1980s. He was involved in the infamous coup staged in the Maldives in 1983 and as a result, he was subsequently jailed for a period of five and half years. Police later released Nallanather as no evidence could be found linking him to Sivaram's murder.

Sriskandarajah when questioned under pressure admitted he had been using the SIM card of Sivaram's phone but only because he had been told to do so by one 'Raju,' whom Sriskandarajah claimed is an associate who had "borrowed" Siddarthan's vehicle on April 27, the day before Sivaram was abducted and murdered.Sriskandarajah claims when 'Raju' returned the vehicle he had done so together with a SIM card which he had requested Sriskandarajah to use to monitor all incoming phone calls. According to Lugoda, Sriskandara-jah maintains when he was not using the SIM card to monitor the calls he kept it concealed wrapped in a piece of paper in his trouser pocket. However, The SIM card was really found concealed inside the pocket of a diary, which was found in the Scorpio jeep.

Police took the vehicle, Sriskandarajah and Nallanather into custody on Friday, June 3. The Sunday Leader broke the story on Sunday, June 5. As a result, on Monday, June 6, despite having received orders by then to halt the investigation or to ensure it did not embarrass the government in any manner the police reopened the probe and filed a report in court. The Sunday Leader in the June 5 article also revealed that a trail left by the murderers led to the unearthing of vital evidence. That evidence was the recovery of the SIM card in Siddarthan's vehicle on June 3. The police however now claim the SIM was detected only last week.

Still, the cops never thought it necessary to question Siddarthan. To date they continue to hold his vehicle in custody but are yet to ask the PLOTE leader a single question. That is two weeks after taking his vehicle into custody together with Sivaram's SIM card. Surprisingly, the PLOTE Leader too has not so much as asked the police why his vehicle was being held.

Cops yet to question Siddarthan According to Lugoda, questioning the PLOTE leader is on the cards. The cop however refused to officially confirm if indeed the Scorpio vehicle belongs to Siddarthan. He would only say, "It is in the name of a former military group leader." All our attempts to contact Siddarthan failed. Curiously, the PLOTE leader has to date not asked that the police return his vehicle to him. The question is this. Surely, Sriskandarajah could not have lent Siddarthan's vehicle without first seeking his permission?

Even more confusing is why free-lance journalist Kusal Perera up to the point of this article going into print had not been contacted by the police to identify the vehicle now in their custody. After all, Perera remains a key witness to Sivaram's abduction and is in a position to give even a sketchy description of the vehicle into which Sivaram was bundled that fateful night. According to Perera, the vehicle was a super luxury vehicle, which Perera maintains was silver-grey in colour with its spare wheel fitted on the rear of the vehicle sheathed in a silver-grey casing. "It looked a brand new, luxurious and expensive vehicle," Perera said, admitting however that his knowledge of vehicles is too limited to have been able to immediately identify its make.

The vehicle Nevertheless, Perera maintains that up to Friday, June 17, SSP Lugoda and his men never contacted him to help identify the vehicle they now hold. The Sunday Leader photograph of the vehicle now in police custody proves there is no spare wheel fitted to its rear. Another witness to the abduction had told police the vehicle into which Sivaram was forced was a Mitsubishi Montero.The Sunday Leader has reliable information that Siddarthan's vehicle was the backup vehicle used the night Sivaram was killed. The vehicle that transported Sivaram to the Japan-Friendship Road where he was shot was another super luxury four-wheel drive, silver-grey in colour.

This maybe why Perera has still not been called by police to help identify the vehicle since they are aware it is not the one that carried Sivaram's murderers. Lugoda maintains that Perera's description of the vehicle is far too vague to help make a positive identification. He insists that irrespective of the political figures involved, the police will continue their investigations. However, his one revealing statement that for reasons of national security he has to handle this case with great care proves that apart from Siddarthan, there may well be other political figures involved. The Sunday Leader in fact learns there is another Tamil politician now affiliated with the government who is a key suspect. Lugoda maintains the police is looking for three other individuals not connected to PLOTE who are also suspects in Sivaram's murder. Another PLOTE member code named RR is also evading the police net.

PLOTE operations

It has been an open secret that PLOTE has over these last two decades served as a para military force to Sri Lanka's security forces. More recently PLOTE offices in Vavuniya, Batticaloa and other pockets of the north east have been used by Karuna forces. It is PLOTE Mohan (killed last year) who functioned out of the controversial Athurugiriya safe house at Millennium City - fed, clothed and on the pay roll of the Sri Lanka Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence.

The intention of the police is to now claim the murder suspects' trail ends with Siddarthan's driver who on his own volition loaned the vehicle to 'Raju.' That is the cover up to ensure the trail ends with Sriskandarajah. 'Raju' of course has conveniently disappeared given the two week siesta the police took on the instructions of a top cop.Over the years, the human rights watchdog, Amnesty International has repeatedly appealed to the government to control an upsurge in arrests, 'disappearances' and torture linked to paramilitary activity in areas of the north and east of Sri Lanka. "PLOTE, paid and armed by the government, has been perpetuating a pattern of systematic abuses," the organisation once said, in a letter to President Chandrika Kumaratunga.

"The continued high level of human rights violations in the Vavuniya District is bolstered by the practices that have developed between the Tamil armed groups, particularly PLOTE, and the armed forces. The armed forces can claim no improvement in the human rights situation until it can exercise control over paramilitary activity," Amnesty International complained.

SSP Lugoda says police probe is on Director, Colombo Crimes Division, SSP Sarath Lugoda told The Sunday Leader the suspects, the jeep and the tell-tale SIM card were all taken into custody on June 13. He said investigators found the SIM card in the trouser pocket of one of the suspects, Armugam Sri Skandarajah. The arrests of Sriskandarajah and the other suspect Veluthan Nallanather, who was subsequently released, were made at the former's home in Maharagama. Details about the exact whereabouts of his home cannot be divulged for security reasons, Lugoda added. According to SSP Lugoda, Sriskandarajah's connection to PLOTE Leader, Siddarthan and his current employment position was still being investigated.

One witness called in to identify the jeep taken into custody by the CCD has maintained this was not the vehicle in which Sivaram's abductors made their getaway on April 28. SSP Lugoda says the other witnesses including Kusal Perera will be called in to the CCD within the next few days to identify the jeep. However, Lugoda says their most reliable witness' account said the jeep used to abduct Sivaram was a Mitsubishi Montero, with the registration number beginning with WP G 11. The witness, he said, had noted the Mitsubishi logo on the spare tyre cover on the back of the getaway vehicle.

Lugoda is critical of Kusal Perera's testimony, saying he was at the time in the best possible position to note down the details of the vehicle and go across to the Bambalapitiya police station with it. The restaurant that Perera and Sivaram had just left stands opposite the police station. According to the CCD Director, their investigations would have been made much simpler if Perera had gone across and tipped the police off straight away.

"If he had done that, instead of getting into a three wheeler and going off home, the police would have been able to tip off all the stations along the route the jeep took and all those in the surrounding areas as well. He was standing right next to Sivaram and had turned away only for a minute when the abductors bundled him into the vehicle. He was in the best position to note down details and alert the police immediately. Instead, it was other witnesses that gave us more information," said Lugoda. The jeep in CCD custody is silver in colour, and that at least ties in with the statements of all the witnesses. Lugoda declined giving the names of the remaining suspects to be arrested, saying it would hamper their investigations if the suspects were to go into hiding.

He added for reasons of national security, more information the CCD investigators had in their possession could not be divulged to the media. Responding to whether higher authorities had ordered a "go-slow" on the investigation and asked the CCD to refrain from causing the names of political parties to be dragged in, Lugoda denied this, saying investigations were proceeding and they were trying to complete it as soon as possible. "We have to be cautious for reasons of national security. It makes no difference about political parties, whoever is believed to be involved will be taken into custody," he asserted.

Tracing Sivaram's SIM card

The Colombo Crimes Division (CCD) used the Global Positioning System (GPS) of Sivaram's mobile phone operator, Dialog Telekom Limited, to trace the location of his SIM card. The GPS technology is a form of location detection in which cell phone towers help GPS satellites fix a cell phone caller's position. Police, fire, and ambulance services can use the system to track down cell phone callers in an emergency. When the police dialed Sivaram's mobile phone after his abduction, the phone rang continually although it was not picked up and the phone operator was able to identify the approximate locality of the SIM card using the GPS technology.

Dialog traced the SIM card to the closest tower of the operator to where the SIM was at the time the phone rang and also obtained the EMI number of the phone via the SIM card. EMI is a unique identification number of mobile phones and the EMI number of the phone that was ringing revealed it was not the one used by Sivaram before his abduction. Using a triangular system the phone operator informed the police of the locality of the SIM. The police then launched a search operation around the Dialog tower closest to where the SIM card was to nab the culprits.

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Aid can help restart peace talks- S.Lanka rebels

Sri Lanka's plan to share $3.0 billion in international tsunami aid with the Tamil Tigers could help jumpstart peace talks that broke down two years ago and left the island's two-decade civil war in limbo, the rebels say.

But the government, which senior officials say will formalise the aid-sharing pact in days, must also agree to discuss the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam's (LTTE) long-standing demands for interim self-rule in the north and east, S.P. Thamilselvan, the leader of the rebels' political wing, told Reuters.

"Most certainly we welcome such a gesture from the government to sign (the joint mechanism)," Thamilselvan said in a weekend interview in the northern rebel stronghold of Kilinochchi. "Implementation is the most important aspect. "Immediately after implementation, if sincere action is taken, well and good, it will open the way for the peace process," he added in his native Tamil through a translator.

President Chandrika Kumaratunga's government this week split over the aid pact plan when her hardline Marxist ally quit the ruling coalition and reduced it to a hamstrung minority in parliament. But the government is seen limping on for now. Sri Lanka's main party for the minority Muslim community said Saturday that the government had failed to address Muslim concerns in the proposed joint mechanism deal with the Tamil Tigers.

Muslims have valid concerns on the deal as a large number of Muslims are among the victims of the Dec. 26 tsunami last year.

Rauff Hakeem, leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) told reporters here that Muslims have valid concerns on the deal as a large number of Muslims are among the victims of the Dec. 26 tsunami last year. A joint mechanism is to be entered between President Chandrika Kumaratunga and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam rebels to ensure equitable distribution of tsunami relief in the Tamil regions in Northern and Eastern provinces.

Muslims are majority in some areas of Eastern province devastated along the coastal line. Hakeem, however, said his party would not take to streets against the move. Kumaratunga's main coalition partner, the JVP had already left the government over the dispute on the issue. The SLMC, which sits in the opposition benches, has six seats in the 225-member parliament after four of their total number of 10 defected to Kumaratunga's government. Hakeem said Muslim representatives must be included in the mechanism in order to cater to the Muslim interests in the Muslim majority areas.

Sri Lanka Prime Minister attempts to rebuild UPFA
In a bid to rebuild the broken UPFA, Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa has invited the JVP leadership for a meeting next Wednesday.

Informed sources said the Premier made the invitation when he phoned JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva and Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa.

It is also learnt that the JVP has agreed to meet the Premier to discuss the issue. This would be the first meeting after the JVP left the government last Wednesday. The Premier has decided to meet the JVPers following a three-hour meeting with senior government ministers at the Temple Trees. At the meeting, the group unanimously decided that all participants should meet the JVPers.

MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardena, EPDP leader Douglas Devananda and Cabinet Ministers John Seneviratne, Susil Premajayantha, Anura Priyadharshana Yapa, A.H.M. Fowzie and Rohitha Bogollagama were present at the meeting.

RSF welcomes arrest in Sivaram case

The Paris-based international press freedom organization Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) yesterday said it welcomes the arrest of a suspect in the murder case of Dharmaratnam Sivaram, alias Taraki, editor of the news website TamilNet. The group urged the Sri Lankan government to step up its efforts in the investigation.

RSF’s Asia-Pacific spokesperson Vincent Brossel told foreign media, “After more than a month and a half of inactivity, police appear to have made progress in their investigation into the abduction and murder of D. Sivaram by arresting a man found with the chip from the journalist's mobile phone. Four men seized the 46-year-old journalist on 28 April as he was leaving a Colombo bar with friends just a few metres from the Bambalapitiya police station.”

While welcoming the arrest, RSF stressed that it was essential to identify the killers and the instigators of the murder and to determine the motive for killing one of the country’s best known Tamil journalists. The organisation said it expected police to inform the press about the latest developments and to leave no stone unturned in pursuing their inquiries.

Finance Minister lashes out at those who attack TRB for North and EastFinance Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama

Finance Minister lashes out at those who attack TRB for North and EastFinance Minister Dr. Sarath Amunugama yesterday attacking those who oppose the government for measures taken to run the country efficiently said by shouting slogans and by growing beards the country could not be developed.

“Those who shout ‘withdraw’ this and withdraw that think they can develop the country by growing beards. Do they at least have the knowledge to even run a village cigar boutique? You can’t develop a country by smashing coconuts at various places, offering flowers and staging fasts,” he said speaking at a SLFP meeting at Negombo jubilee hall.

“We are a small country. Before J.R Jayawardene’s Indo-Lanka accord India interfered a lot in Sri Lanka. The Jatika Hela Urumaya had not done even an iota of a service to the country. They try to become card board ‘Sumangalas’ by holding placards. Athuraliye Rathana thera should be given the ‘Sarasaviya Award’ for his acts in misleading the people,” he said.

“The international community has given a large amount of aid to provide relief to tsunami affected people. Now the international community is looking at us with wide open eyes whether a part of that money will also be given to the affected people in the north and the east. If a powerful international army comes to Sri Lanka are these bearded comrades going to fight them with ‘galkatas’ and catapults?” he said.

“ Will the Tamil people have any more trust in the government if we are against plans to repair their wells, schools, and roads of innocent people in the north and the east who were affected by the tsunami. The monks are staging their fasts in Colombo. We will provide all facilities for the JHU monks if they can go to Jaffna and do their fast unto death campaigns at a location there. I challenge them to do that. They are afraid to go beyond Anuradhapura. They do all these among the Sinhala people” the minister said.

Dr. Amunugama said Tsunami Relief Boardl would be established only to facilitate the rehabilitation of tsunami affected people. It could only operate within a 2 kilometre coastal belt. The LTTE which fought for a separate state had now come down to accept this proposal instead of their demand for a federal solution and an autonomous region.

‘This government will go forward. No one should have any fear about that. The government will take all steps to pass the Tsunami Relief Board in parliament and implement it. We have given employment to 40,000 unemployed graduates. In the past graduates who went asking for jobs were put in the jail. If there are more fasts this country would not get any aid. The same thing will happen if there are religious and racial clashes,” the minister said.

This was announced in Chennai on Wednesda by Sethusamudram Corporation Limited (SCL) Chairman and Managing Director N. K. Raghupathy. The venue for the function is likely to be either Ramanathapuram, where most of the work will be undertaken, or Tuticorin, where the concept of the channel was conceived, or Madurai, a centrally located place in Tamil Nadu.

The date and venue for the function will be finalized by the Indian Government shortly. Preparations for the function are in full swing, and the Tuticorin Port Trust (the nodal agency for the project, is ready to hold the function at short notice, Raghupathy said.Asked about the project's environmental aspects, he said all the concerns, including those raised by Sri Lanka, have been addressed. The Indian Ministry of Environment and Forests has laid down stringent conditions while granting approval for the project, he added.

Raghupathy will shortly chair a pre-bid meeting with leading dredging firms, including Jan De Nul, Dredging International, Royal Boskalis Westminster, and the Dredging Corporation of India (DCI). The DCI will be awarded a portion of the work on a nomination basis, but will be paid on a par with the rates finalized in the tender for the rest of the contract, he explained.

Shipping Minister TR Baalu has directed the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF) and the Indian Coast Guards to ensure tight arrangements are made for land and sea security. He has also requested the Ministry of Railways to run three special trains to the venue of the foundation laying ceremony---one from Coimbatore and two from Chennai---to enable people to participate in the event. The canal's project office will be located at Rameswaram. To augment fishing activity in the region, it is proposed to develop harbours at Rameswaram, Mallipattinam, Nagapattinam, Sethubavachathram, and Thondi. The central government has plans to develop Rameswaram or Mandapam as a minor port for maintenance of ships and berthing small vessels.

The project was first conceived way back in 1860 by the then British commander AD Taylor of Indian Marines. It opens up a channel for ships ferrying between Indians eastern and western coasts to avoid going around Sri Lanka. At present, India does not have a continuous navigable route within its own waters. The project will link the Arabian Sea with the Bay of Bengal by dredging shallow waters to the north of Sri Lanka to create a navigable canal across the Gulf of Mannar, Palk Bay and Palk Straits. It will cost 24.27 billion Indian rupees (about US$560 million). Its length will be 167km, and breadth 300metres. The canal's depth will be 14.5 metres deep to allow ships with draught of up to 65,000 DWT to cross.

The project is expected to be completed in three and a half years

President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga addressing the Maha Sangha convention held at the BMICH last night.
Pictures by Sudath Malaweera

PRESIDENT Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga received a warm response from over a thousand Buddhists monks, as she spelled out contents of the proposed Post Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS) at the Maha Sangha convention at the BMICH last night. President Kumaratunga addressing the gathering stressed that as requested by the Mahanayakes of the Three Chapters, the P-TOMS will be brought before Parliament and it will be in the form of a motion. "It will not be a Bill or Regulation as misinterpreted by some of the media." She assured the clergy that there was no need to panic or create chaos situations in the country since there was nothing dubious in the operational structure.

The Government has no intention of hiding the contents from members of the Maha Sangha or the public. It was only on April 29, the Government received a definitive positive response from the LTTE for the P-TOMS. Accordingly it was decided to inform of the basic contents of the operational structure to partners of the coalition, she said. Explaining the contents of the P-TOMS, the President said that it is only a five page document outlining two main objectives applicable only to a two km coastal belt in six districts in the North-East.

A section of the Maha Sangha at the convention Pictures by Sudath Malaweera

The first objective will be to identify the tsunami affected institutions, schools, roads, etc in each district and to present the proposed restructuring plans and estimates to the Government. The second objective met by the P-TOMS will be to observe the smooth running of the development activities and to report to relevant authorities of any corruption or misuse of funds, the President said. Accordingly with the normal procedure, funds will be released by the Treasury, she said.

"How can such a simple operational structure which has lesser number of powers than of a Pradeshiya Sabha and with a life span of one year affect the country's sovereignty, questioned the President. She said: "It was the JVP that introduced terrorism into this country in 1971 with an insurrection. They have now moved onto democratic politics, so why not give LTTE a chance?" The President asked with as many as 28,000 Buddhist monks supporting the P-TOMS, how could she bow to dictates of 250-500 monks.

Former President J.R. Jayewardene brought in a new constitution with wide executive powers secretly without going before the people, while Ranil Wickremesinghe signed the ceasefire with the LTTE similarly, she said.

Dropping P-TOMS will be biggest betrayal of the country: President By Kelum Bandara

President Chandrika Kumaratunga said yesterday that they would not give up the proposed Post- Tsunami Operational Managerial Structure (P-TOMS) due to the objection of a handful of Bhikkus and a certain political party.

Addressing the conference held at the BMICH to educate the Maha Sangha about the P-TOMS, President Kumaratunga said that only about 500 Bhikkus out of the total 28,000 in the country and one political party opposes this mechanism and therefore it would be the greatest betrayal of the country to give into